A candidate supporter diary for MyDD
The conventional wisdom has emerged in this Democratic primary season that the grass-roots organisational capability of Senator Obama's campaign has delivered him a significant advantage in some of the caucus and primary contests in which he has been engaged with Senator Clinton. While their liberal or 'progressive' values, and indeed policies, are not separated by much, give or take some ideological fine points, there is a dramatic, almost polar opposite, approach to how these objectives are to be attained which inform not only their respective political philosophies but the strategies of their respective campaigns.
It becomes a contest of power: those who have money and those who have people. We have nothing but people.Saul Alinsky
It is interesting to note that both of their careers were intersected by a common influence, community organising as 'pioneered in Chicago's old stockyards neighbourhood by the soberly realistic, unabashedly radical Saul Alinsky.' In Hillary's case the influence was direct and personal, she met with Alinsky several times and he was the subject of her honours thesis at Wellesley College. Alinsky was committed to 'working within the system' but did so by encouraging the mobilisation of disadvantaged communities to seize their inherent power as guaranteed by the law. Hillary's reaction to his brand of radicalism was tentative and while she shared his ideals she did not have much faith in his methods:
"His offer of a place in the new institute was tempting," she wrote in the end notes to the thesis, "but after spending a year trying to make sense out of his inconsistency, I need three years of legal rigor." She enrolled at Yale that fall, a year ahead of a charming Rhodes Scholar from Arkansas."I agreed with some of Alinsky's ideas," she explained in "Living History," her 2003 biography, "particularly the value of empowering people to help themselves. But we had a fundamental disagreement. He believed you could change the system only from the outside. I didn't."
Bill Dedman - Reading Hillary Rodham's hidden thesis MSNBC 9 May 2007
This is exactly the distinction between the 'bottom-up' populist approach of Alinksy and the 'top-down' establishment methodology which separates her from Senator Obama on campaign strategy, and on her emphasis on specific policy versus broader reform of the 'processes' implicit in the de facto institutions of government which is fundamental to Obama's long-term intentions for progress and change. A perspective she clearly articulated again even more recently:
'In the end, the decision to attend law school for me was an expression of this belief: the system can be changed from within. The law can be an incredible vehicle for social change--and lawyers are at the wheel.'Jeff Gerth and Don Van Natta - Her Way pp 38-39 8 Jun 07
Lawyers and, by implication, legislators, which is how she apparently conceives of her executive role in the presidency, as a super-facilitator of legislative change within the existing institutions of politics as we understand them. Senator Obama's experience, on the other hand, was informed by the legacy of community organising which Alinsky had pioneered, and his work in the neighbourhoods where existing 'top-down' government and economic programs had failed to complete the process of renewal:
Proponents of electoral politics and economic development strategies can point to substantial accomplishments in the past 10 years. An increase in the number of black public officials offers at least the hope that government will be more responsive to inner-city constituents. Economic development programs can provide structural improvements and jobs to blighted communities.In my view, however, neither approach offers lasting hope of real change for the inner city unless undergirded by a systematic approach to community organization.
Barack Obama - After Alinsky: Community Organizing in Illinois pp 35-40 University of Chicago 1990
This essential difference has been evident in Obama's strategy for his campaign from the outset. Hillary had the support of the Democratic establishment long before her announcement, the support of party insiders, the unions and private sector alliances carefully built and nurtured from the time she began her Senate run in 2000. Her notion of organising relied on these existing structures from 'within the system' to give her an unchallenged advantage in her bid for the nomination. Not only had she acquired this support but it was so ubiquitous as to effectively deny these resources to any potential opponent.
Obama, while he had institutional support from Democrats in Illinois and a modest circle of supporters within the party, had only his message of political inclusion and an idea which traced it's lineage directly back to the 'people powered' politics of Alinsky and Chicago, with a 21st century twist.
Senator Obama's campaign began early to create the internal framework to mobilise volunteer supporters as a decentralised 'bottom-up' field organisation which would could grow into a national presence. While the media was comparing website visits and duelling Facebook groups they missed the real story. Early pleas for Obama volunteers were matched with a novel technological infrastructure which enabled supporters to communicate, coalesce and align their activities with the strategic objectives of the campaign on a national level:
The costly effort began in the spring of 2007, in part to counter the organizational resources of unions and Democratic Party organizations that were largely committed to Obama's Democratic rival, Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York. The precinct-level operations were to employ theories of community organizing Obama practiced in Chicago before getting into electoral politics.
Last April, Obama's national field director, Cuauhtemoc "Temo" Figueroa, wrote an internal memo titled "Turning Enthusiasm into Organization," a blueprint for turning Obama's rock star popularity into a more professional and sustained operation.
The purpose, Figueroa wrote, is to provide supporters with the tools to create "self-sufficient, interdependent teams that take responsibility for all aspects of a campaign within their congressional district."
Tom Hamburger - Grass-roots organizing gives Obama an edge LAT 9 Feb 08
And while both campaigns used the Internet to promote their candidacies there was an inherent difference, Hillary was promoting her message and policies, essentially using the Internet as an on-demand broadcast media, while Obama was enlisting activists and directing them to organise a decentralised but coherent grass-roots campaign:
"I got very little from the Clinton side," said Amy Fried, a political scientist at the University of Maine, who signed up on both campaigns' Web sites to compare them. "But I got a lot from Obama, urging me to come in and work and telling me about events, just giving me lots more."Patrick Healy and Katherine Q Seely - Knocked Off Balance, Clinton Campaign Tries to Regain Its Stride NYT 14 Feb 08
Illinois senator Barack Obama's 2008 presidential campaign has just launched an online phone-banking management application.
In an e-mail to supporters, Obama campaign manager David Plouffe writes: "We're planning a big rally in New York City, and I was hoping you could help organize it. We've launched a powerful new tool on My.BarackObama that lets you make phone calls from home on behalf of the campaign."
The application enables supporters to call people generated from a list on Obama's site to attend a Sept. 27 rally in New York City. Like a previous online campaign that encouraged supporters to knock on doors and to spread the word about the candidate, this one carefully walks the potential caller through the phone-banking process.
Sarah Lai Stirland - Obama Campaign Launches New Online Phonebanking Effort Wired 18 Sep 07
By September Obama supporters were aware of this growing capability, as they were part of it, and they were encouraged in their activities by the certain knowledge that the campaign really was depending on them, and valued their efforts, as an integral component of Obama's bid for the nomination. And while Obama was able to draw crowds visible from space no opportunity was missed to harness this enthusiasm into organised campaign activity:
The campaign attempted to organize that enthusiasm by asking the crowd to text their cell phone numbers to the campaign. Jeremy Bird and Anton Gunn, the campaign's field and political directors, took the stage to ask the crowd to text their phone numbers to Obama's campaign. They also broke a Guinness World Record by conducting the world's largest phone bank, 36,426 people in the audience called four names of South Carolinian voters listed on the back of their tickets and asked them to support Barack Obama.
According to the Obama campaign, 18% of the first 8,500 people who signed into the event said they wanted to volunteer. Sixty-eight percent of people who got tickets online to the event had never been contacted by the campaign before.
Chuck Todd - About 30,000 See Obama-Oprah in SC MSNBC 9 Dec 07
Not only did the grass-roots organisation deliver Iowa, with representation in all 99 counties, but the state-by-state organisation which had been built across the nation on the efforts of self-motivated and independent activists was in place well before the Clinton campaign directed their 'top-down' attention to these races. It is virtually the 50-state strategy applied to Obama's candidacy, and it has proven remarkably effective:
In Minnesota, "the Clinton campaign was in triage mode," said Lawrence Jacobs, a political scientist at the University of Minnesota. He said Mrs. Clinton appeared to have allocated her dwindling resources to New York and California, the biggest prizes in the Feb. 5 contests (and which she won), investing almost nothing in media advertising in Minnesota and leaving her campaign there "like a M.A.S.H. unit."At the same time, Mr. Jacobs said, Mr. Obama "had developed almost a new style of campaigning."
"He merges modern campaign technology -- he has the list of names, the follow-up effort, all the literature distribution -- with these phenomenal rock-arena political revivals," Mr. Jacobs said. "In a caucus state, it's formidable."
Patrick Healy and Katherine Q Seely - Knocked Off Balance, Clinton Campaign Tries to Regain Its Stride NYT 14 Feb 08
The outcomes of this approach are now obvious but it worth noting their origins in the philosophy of community organisers like Alinsky, and others, who long ago promoted the idea of 'people powered' politics. Coupled with the vastly enhanced communication and networking technologies we now enjoy we are seeing what this strategy might look like in the 21st century, and the Obama campaign has been doing it right before our eyes all along:
Barack Obama believes this movement is not just about winning the Democratic nomination, it is about changing the country and in order to do this the campaign has worked to train and equip our volunteers and supporters with the tools they need to play a substantive and meaningful role in this effort.Temo Figueroa - Camp Obama: Turning Enthusiasm into Organization As reported by Marc Ambinder in The Atlantic 29 Aug 07
Are the recent results, and not just in caucus contests, a vindication of Obama's strategy? Most definitely, and also an indication of a lasting change in how US national politics may be conducted which bodes well for 'progressives' and the role of participatory democracy in our nation's future. Hillary may have made the right choice thirty-nine years ago to work as an insider 'within the system' but the times, and the system itself, are a' changin'.
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