Time for the Religious Left to organize



In case you missed it, there was a full-on blogswarm this week, centering around the growing rift between the Religious Left and the Religious Industrial Complex.   The blogswarm was touched off by Sarah Posner's article in Religion DispatchesDispatches from the Religious Left.  PastorDan has a good, linky reflection on the blogswarm at Street Prophets; check it out if you want the gory details.


The main line of argument, which we've seen before, is something like this: Religious Left-ists argue that reproductive choice and gay rights are not compromise-able issues, they are fundamentally matters of conscience.  Democrats should not seek to "split the difference" with moderate religious voters over these issues, because people's fundamental rights are not something we should haggle over.  The Religious Industrial Complex, represented this week by Faith in Public Life, counsels Democrats to do exactly that, pleading that it is possible to win elections by cajoling swing voters on these sorts of issues.


The Religious-Industrial Complex (Digby's term, but popularized and used frequently by PastorDan) has been making these sorts of arguments for a long time, and I think they are largely dubious.  For one thing, I'm not convinced that religious moderates can be convinced by hair-splitting on abortion and gay rights; any kind of faith-based voting in this year's election was clearly overwhelmed by economic-meltdown-based voting, and there were other issues confounding the 2006 election results, too.  For another thing, I'm not sure we would want to do that even if we could.  Atheists and non-Christians, two groups that are significantly more progressive than religious moderates, are also growing quickly in size.  Because of that, appealing too heavily to religious moderates by giving up core convictions on reproductive choice and gay rights could be a double-whammy: not only would that roll back progress on important issues, it might be electorally disastrous.


But I will say this much about the Religious-Industrial Complex: it is well-organized and it does a good job of persuading politicians and framing issues.  It is all well and good for the Religious Left to talk about prophetic vision and social justice - that is clearly important - but projecting power requires this sort of organization and persuasion.


That is a point made abundantly clear in Dispatches from the Religious Left, by Fred Clarkson, Marshall Ganz and others.  But I think we have yet to really talk about what kind of organizing is necessary.  Certainly, there is a need for more and better grassroots community organizing on localized but important issues - the kind of thing that the Industrial Areas Foundation does.  Certainly, there is a need to engage and mobilize progressive religious folks.  Progressive congregations are already involved in some of that work, althouth there is always room for improvement.  But there is also a need to aggregate and consolidate religious power on a larger scale, and that is where progressive voices are largely silent.


While this sounds like a grand task, I actually think it is a bit simpler than that.  Consider what the Religious-Industrial Complex has accomplished, with really a very small number of practitioners: a handful of charismatic and popular religious leaders, speakers and authors (Jim Wallis, Rick Warren, Joel Hunter); a snappy political action committee (the Matthew 25 Network); an inside-the-Beltway think tank (FiPL) and a well-placed political consultant (Mara Vanderslice of Common Good Strategies).  I don't even think these folks are really all that tightly integrated, in the sense that, as far as I know, they don't coordinate in closed-door strategy sessions on how best to promote, as Jim Wallis calls it, the "radical center".  There is, to be sure, a common vocabulary within the Religious Industrial Complex, and it doesn't hurt to have that vocabulary parroted in media, and to have that vocabulary commonly (if incorrectly) assumed to speak for a large bloc of voters.


It would be tempting to look at this constellation of assets and think, "gee, we could build one of those for ourselves" - and no doubt the Religious Left could.  But rather than mimicking the Religious Industrial Complex, I think the Religious Left needs to come up with its own structures for making the basic point that that there is a large and growing bloc of voters sympathetic to the beliefs and values of religious progressives, and that it is possible to win elections, and to govern, with the support of that bloc.


My instinct tells me that the Religious Left will come to power through quite a different path than the Religious Industrial Complex.  In particular, the progress on marriage equality in the next couple of years is going to be a proving ground.  Already, the Religious Left has been out front and very active on this issue.  But with the new Democratic trifecta in New York, we have the potential to make a large, pro-active, legislatively-won gain on this issue, in a huge and important state.  The shape of religious lobbying in that battle will be quite different than the defensive posture taken in the battle to resist Goodridge overrides in Massachusetts, and I think (or hope, in any case) that it will help create a new class of political operators, capable of gathering and wielding progressive religious support.


There are other opportunities, too.  With Democrats in power until at least 2012, we will see the emergence of a new green energy industry, a fight for universal health care coverage, and new opportunities (and urgent need for) more union organizing.  Each of these issues offers a different set of opportunities for the Religious Left to work with a new set of allies, and to set the stage for the emergence of a more progressive Democratic party.



Display:


Hallelujah! (none / 0)

A couple of organizations in Iowa are working to give the "religious left" a voice on key policies. The Interfaith Alliance of Iowa supports marriage equality, civil rights, non-punitive policies toward immigrants, and other good things.

Iowa Interfaith Power and Light offers a religious response to global warming. Quite a few states have similar organizations.

More power to the people involved in these efforts.


Join the Iowa progressive community at Bleeding Heartland.
by desmoinesdem on Sat Dec 13, 2008 at 04:03:45 PM EST

As a Former Regional AFSC Director (none / 0)

I have to say that Quakers have always been politically active and have always worked successfully with other non-Quaker groups.  The AFSC Pacific Mountain Region -- headquartered in San Francisco -- was set up in 1942 to help California's Japanese hold on to their property while they were in internment camps like Manzanar.  Bayard Rustin -- a Quaker -- taught Martin Luther King about non-violent activism and organized King's  March on Washington.  And young Quakers, working through the AFSC, were a major part of the Gay Liberation Movement in the early 70's.

Quakers don't make a big deal about their religion, especially in relation to what other people believe or do.  They simply believe that Christ's message is to respect the dignity and worth of other people by helping other people live with dignity.  They act without having to debate whether they can work with people who favor abortion rights or who are athiests.

Quakers understand that its about everyone, not just them.  


by kaleidescope on Sat Dec 13, 2008 at 08:30:45 PM EST

Religious error... (none / 0)

The mainstream Christians in Canada, England, France, Sweden etc., support - as matters of SOCIAL IMPORTANCE - Universal health care, no guns, no death penalty and they understand that "gays" and "choice" are "intensely personal issues" NOT Public Policy issues.

American Christians are the only ones in the Western World who are pro death penalty, pro having 43 million children without health care and as long as we can "kill a Commie for Christ," support "wars never ending," put the boots to the "gays" and stop women having the "choice" of controlling what goes on in their bodies; they're all happy.

Deluded, but happy. Come to think of it that sounds a lot like America as a whole.


by 1Mylegacy on Sun Dec 14, 2008 at 01:32:29 AM EST

Re: Religious error... (none / 0)


Well, the history is a bit complicated.  But it turns out that the United States between the Appalachians and the Coastal Range, and south of the Potomac, has been something of a nature preserve for old kinds of Christianity that got crushed by events in Europe.  AmericanChristianity compares to western Europe in forms of Christianity but with eastern Europe in its insularity and slow/arrested development.

The long theological story is that Christianity has a succession of forms of growth in its first millenium: first the Christianity of Jesus and the Gospels consisting of units of small groups (around a dozen people), then a Christianity assigned to Paul and his writings consisting of cultic groups of hundreds.  Then there is a Christianity after Paul that attempts to monopolize all of society, indeed the world, and all of thought and human efforts into one all encompassing Church.

That last Big Christianity begins to fail with the Catholic/Orthodox schism and the breakdown takes nearly a millenium itself.  With it the authority of all writings outside the New Testament canon erodes.  (Banning of abortion, for example, is most clearly and directly justified as a Christian dogma by the first century writing termed the Didache.  All other attempts to adduce Biblical authority and justifications tend to be dodges.)  Around 1900 some American religious conservatives realize a retrenching is necessary, that the authority claimed by the Churches over public life from their postApostolic traditions was quite defeated.   They created Fundamentalism, which was/is silly but puts up a collective defensive line all religious conservatives can ultimately retreat behind the at the New Testament, i.e. the authority of Paul over the collective of Christians in American public life.

The run of battle has continued and during the 20th century all American religious conservatives have been unable to sustain the authority of e.g. the Pope or any other religious organization or its writings.  They had to retreat into the authority of Paul.  Paul is heavily about sexual practices and marriages, the priesthood, and methods and arguments that keep congregations of several hundred people from breaking up in disputes.  

And those have been the issues about which the religious part of the Culture War has been.  (There are other American Culture War issues, but they are basically about race/caste and colonial arrangement of social, economic, and political organization of the country.)  The defensive line has not held all that well, ultimately; early defeats of Pauline dogma took fifty years and were on things like divorce and declining authority of the priesthood.  Womens rights and breakups of denominations and individual congregations from the most liberal first to the most conservative last constitute the middle phase.  The only nearly unbroken line of trenches that religious conservatives have left in American public life now is on gay marriage: a slight national majority against it that looks to fade fairly rapidly.  There will be nasty combat around some pillboxes they continue to hold, like attempts to restrict abortion rights in very Red states, but that is dead ender stuff.

They are going to have to retreat, give up on trying to keep (and impose) the authority of Paul and Pauline writings in American public life, fairly soon.  The retreat is necessarily to the appeal, doctrines, and authority of the traditional interpretation of the Gospels and Jesus in American public life.  Which, as can be seen in the case of Democrats this year, is far too great and important to oppose or be neutral about in public.  Though when gay marriage decides and the massed fleeing and retreat of religious conservatives behind those defensive lines and pillboxes happens, no doubt the next great series of disputes begins.

The problem is that the Religious Left is pretty useless, is compromised until they do that retreat.  People like Rick Warren, Jim Wallis, Cizik, and such try to straddle the battlefield of whether Paul's views about sexual behavior and the like are doctrine (conservative) or just opinion (liberal), but it simply doesn't work.  They represent the conflicted and passive, liberal when unpressured but mostly default to conservative when pressured, nature of many/most American Christians about it rather than a true force that exerts itself to deciding the dispute(s).  They have allegiances on both sides of the trenches that are the battleground.

The value of the Religious Left lies at present in their neutrality, their minimal willingness to exert themselves for the Religious Right.  But until the basic theological problem is decided by the conservative oldest parishioners and clergy born before WW2 fading away they will predictably be quite helpless and fairly useless.  I'd say its ten or twelve years until the Religious Left leaders stand before enough of a power vacuum left by retreat/decline of the Religious Right that they can fill it.  Until the present Culture War battlefield of gender and sexual issues lies silent and abandoned, and they can take possession.


by killjoy on Sun Dec 14, 2008 at 01:18:58 PM EST
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