A weekly candidate supporter diary for MyDD
The resistance to Barack Obama's candidacy in the progressive blogosphere is significant and representative. The objections to his style and strategy are fundamental and founded on the long-standing perception, for which there is indeed ample evidence, of the political process in the United States as a partisan struggle in which the ends justify the means, no quarter is expected or given and the ideological divisions of the two competing factions are irreconcilable. How did we get here?:
The Reagan win ushered in both 12 straight years of Republican control of the White House and a conservative era overall. In 1992, Democrat Bill Clinton took back control of the White House for his party, but that didn't stop the broader rise of both conservative sentiment and Republican strength. Two years after Mr. Clinton took office, in 1994, Republicans had one of the most-sweeping midterm elections in the last century, taking an additional 54 seats in the House and 10 in the Senate and winning control of both chambers. Mr. Clinton himself never won a majority of the national vote, and was elected in part by distancing himself from his Democratic party's traditional liberal base.Gerald F Seib - WSJ An Epochal Battle 2 Jan 08
While that is the view from the 'other side of the hill' it is neither inaccurate nor exaggerated. The conflict between the 'red' and 'blue' partisans has enlisted the ideological extremes of both factions as the 'base' from which electoral contests are waged, rallying whatever levies can be raised in the electorate to causes which emphasise the divisions between the respective camps. As a consequence of the narrowly fought presidential conflicts, such as 2000, when the electoral process itself became a disputed issue, the rancour and sense of injustice further hardened the left and success at any cost emboldened their enemies.
But while ideologically divided, when it comes to the national economy and the prosperity of individual citizens, the distinctions seem to have become uncomfortably blurred to the detriment of the standing of both parties with their constituencies:
Since the Reagan era, the heroes of the nation's economic story have been valiant entrepreneurs who "took risks" and "created wealth." This narrative advanced the Republican cause and seeped deeply into the Democratic Party. If Iowa is any indication, there is a new narrative in which the old heroes are cast as the goats of the story and the new heroes are people like "the guy in Orange City." There is a thunder out of Iowa, and it is shaking both parties.E J Dionne - The New Republic The Populist Surge 31 Dec 07
It is indicative that Huckabee and Obama, unrepresentative of their 'bases' respectively on economic, on the one hand, and partisanship and process issues on the other, are the apparent insurgents in this primary election cycle. Is the partisan conflict just ideological 'bread and circuses' while power and influence is continuously aggrandised in the hands of an elite which is largely indifferent to the outcome, so long as their position remains unchallenged? The electorate is apparently beginning to wonder.
While the war in Iraq and the misleading leadership surrounding it have changed the balance of partisan power, as reflected in the 2006 Democratic victories in Congress, the ideological divisions between the protagonists remain as polarised as ever, perhaps even more so, as the weight of their respective strength reaches parity. If war, as Clausewitz famously observed, 'is merely a continuation of politics' then the lessons of war equally apply. And the outcome of the current didactic impasse reflects the same situation that arises when two opposing armies, entrenched inflexibly and committed to their positions, clash continuously over the same contested ground, measuring their offensives in yards won. It has become a costly war of attrition, with narrow victories and limited objectives. A type of war which, historically, has ultimately threatened the collapse of the economies of the participants and insurrection among their populations.
What is the outcome? The partisan contestants become more tenacious and unyielding, raising the ante of the conflict and seeking to bring more terrifying weapons to bear on their opponents. The left and right blogospheres, for example, have arisen as the shock troops of this conflict and their demonisation of their opponents the leading edge of public acrimony. But what of the electorate? The voters empowered by the Constitution with the selection of executive and legislative leadership in this country? They are increasingly disenfranchised by this struggle and have been leaving the field as the conflict becomes more protracted and merciless.
The visual impact of the graph is indicative of the disenfranchisement of a significant number of registered voters who have opted out of the partisan trench warfare, either through fatigue, ideological differences with party platforms or a sense that the political process is not being furthered by the estrangement of both adversaries. This probably explains to a large degree the spoiler independent candidacies of Ross Perot, Ralph Nader and potentially Michael Bloomberg. The first two, arguably, having had a significant impact on electoral outcomes in spite of limited direct support.
The core values of Republicans, the party of entrepreneurs, property owners and libertarians, is free markets and small government. Democrats, everyone else, are for fair distribution of wealth and government funded community resources and services. And both of them are for the rule of law and the Constitution, give or take an amendment or two. Looking at the full context of American history and the challenges that have faced us over the last century, this is probably a good balance. Unfortunately, since the Viet-Nam war and the Nixon administration, the dynamic between these two poles of equally valid American ideology has become increasingly destructive and toxic, to the benefit of very few.
So where does Obama's candidacy fit in? Unequivocally challenging this partisan divide from the very beginning, as it turns out:
"Our leaders in Washington seem incapable of working together in a practical, common sense way. Politics has become so bitter and partisan, so gummed up by money and influence, that we can't tackle the big problems that demand solutions," Obama said in a video message announcing his bid."We have to change our politics, and come together around our common interests and concerns as Americans," he said.
Reuters Obama to Enter 2008 White House Race 17 Jan 07
While perhaps inspiring or daring in principle, where does this lead Obama in practice? Well, staying out of pointless food fights, for one thing. His explanation of a position for which he was much criticised for lack of partisanship in the left blogosphere, the Cornyn amendment vote which he intentionally missed, came with a critique of the futility and distraction of partisanship for it's own sake. It is a compelling counter-argument to his partisan detractors:
The focus of the United States Senate should be on ending this war, not on criticizing newspaper advertisements. This amendment was a stunt designed only to score cheap political points while what we should be doing is focusing on the deadly serious challenge we face in Iraq. It's precisely this kind of political game-playing that makes most Americans cynical about Washington's ability to solve America's problems. By not casting a vote, I registered my protest against this empty politics. I registered my views on the ad itself the day it appeared.All of us respect the service of Gen. Petraeus and all of our brave men and women in uniform. The way to honor that service is to give them a mission that is responsible, not to vote on amendments like the Cornyn amendment while we continue to pursue the wrong policy in Iraq.
Ben Smith - Politico Obama Opts Out 20 Sep 07
There is no scarcity of examples where Obama has made similar statements. Not to mention adopt policy positions which by accident or design were antithecal to progressive Democratic ideology. The Social Security issue, health insurance mandates, refusing to defund US troops in combat and, above all, giving comfort to and treating with the hated Republican enemy have all exposed him to unrepentant criticism from the left, sometimes in strenuous and intentionally damaging terms. Obama is basing his electoral success on the optimal aggregation of constituencies united in his support and he is unlikely to remap his strategy for the sake of a marginal one, no matter how outspoken and ostensibly influential.
The recent Drudge advertisement imbroglio led Marc Ambinder to wonder publicly:
But here's the question: does Obama care even a sliver that some bloggers and netroots' activists are angry at him? I don't think he does. I don't think his campaign does. I don't even think, -- and I have nothing to base this on -- Obama's own netroots' team does.Marc Ambinder An Obama Ad Appears On Drudge 2 Jan 08
One wonders if he isn't betraying a frustration felt widely in the blogosphere about Obama in general. He isn't playing by the partisan rules of the netroots in any case, no matter how well he has leveraged on-line organising and fund-raising. It could be argued readily that Obama is a potent progressive, and that his strategy for his own candidacy is his prerogative, as long as the end result advances progressive ideology significantly. But he is critiqued for his strategy as well as his positions, leavened with polite applause for his strong stands on netroots' favourites like Net Neutrality and transparency in government.
Whether he is the darling of the netroots or not, however, some leaders within the Democratic party have come out strongly for him and his endorsements seem to convey a theme of post-partisan success anticipated by people who should know, such as former Governor of South Carolina Jim Hodges:
He also singled Obama out as the candidate mostly likely to win in November 2008 by making states in the South competitive for Democrats again. He'll win support from Independents and Republicans, who are hungry for a new kind of politics, in numbers that will help downticket Democratic candidates, Hodges said.Hodges served from 1999-2003. He was the first candidate to beat an incumbent since 1876, and the only Democrat elected governor in South Carolina in the last 25 years.
The Page Statement from Former SC Governor Jim Hodges 2 Jan 08
And Senator Conrad of North Dakota:
"I have never endorsed in a presidential primary before, but I really believe events require us to stand up and be counted," Mr. Conrad said today. "He unites rather than divides. He has the unusual ability to inspire and to lift people to be better. That is a rare skill and something that's needed."Mr. Conrad, one of nearly two dozen senators who voted against the Congressional war authorization, also said voters should take notice of the judgment Mr. Obama demonstrated in speaking against the war in 2002.
"Senator Obama has the greatest potential to get us back on track," Mr. Conrad said, speaking to reporters on a conference call. He is scheduled to join Mr. Obama in Iowa on Sunday.
Jeff Zaleny - NYT Obama Picks Up Endorsement 29 Dec 07
Not to mention Governor Tim Kaine of Virginia, an early endorser, in direct response to criticism of Obama on his apparently not-so progressive positions:
I asked Kaine if some Democratic primary voters would be turned off by a campaign that is putting so much emphasis on appealing to Independents and Republicans. After all, Hillary Clinton is attacking Obama daily for his supposed centrist compromises on health care, Social Security, and choice. Here's how Kaine responded:
I think it's odd to attack somebody for a message that is essentially about unifying our nation, and that's what Barack's message is about. He's a person of strong views, but he doesn't demonize the opposition. We want everybody to sit down and share views and find common ground. I'm 50 -- the nation has not been this polarized in my memory. The last 7 and 8 years have been very, very polarizing in a tough and bitter way, and I think Americans want to move past that. They see that as a Washington phenomenon. I think it's gutsy of Barack in a primary campaign to focus on this issue of outreach to Independents and moderate Republicans. But I also think it's what the country needs, and I think he's banking on the fact that most Americans understand that as well.Dana Goldstein - Tapped Obama Appeals to Republicans 20 Dec 07
So who's missing the point here? Is the left blogosphere, while grudgingly acknowledging Obama for his unexpected political success in the campaign so far, correctly standing for partisanship as the prerequisite of victory in it's unyielding criticism? Or has that ship sailed? There was a significant kerfuffle over the much touted and widely regarded Des Moines Register poll when it was finally released, because the turnout, sample and prediction of independent participation was heavily skewed towards exactly the dynamic which makes winning elections possible through Obama's stated strategy of seeking independent and Republican voters:
J. Ann Selzer, whose firm Selzer and Co. contracts with the Register to conduct the poll, said that the percentage of independents surprised her.But she said that she trusted the method she used in conducting the survey.
Selzer uses a random-dial method of reaching registered voters, then asks them if they plan to participate in the caucuses before asking them for their party affiliation.
"We went looking deep into these numbers to find ways that there was something else odd," Selzer said Tuesday. "I didn't have any other demographic abnormalities. Everything is exactly on track with what we've gotten before, with the exception that it's a higher independent."
Thomas Beaumont - DMR Democratic camps doubt some poll figures 2 Dec 08
What clearer vindication of Obama's brand of politics could one ask to see at this juncture in the campaign? He is not just about hope folks, he is about winning and his track record so far is extremely promising. We will soon see.
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