There's an interesting and honest conversation on the right side of the blogosphere among GOP internet strategists on the state of online politics. For most of the 1990s, the GOP was dominant online, and it is still very powerful if you consider someone like Drudge part of the GOP internet world. Starting in 1998, though, and increasingly into 2004, the left caught up and surpassed what the right had. And now, it's conventional wisdom that progressives use the internet much more successfully than the right-wing.
This conversation sprung from the Q1 fundraising numbers, which is the first clear head-to-head example of how the Republican Presidentials are getting their heads handed to them online. Rob Bluey of the Heritage Foundation couldn't get any GOP campaign to reveal their online fundraising numbers, and he notes what a lot of right-wingers lament - the lack of online infrastructure on the right. Bluey also quotes Joe Trippi saying that the right will catch up to the left but it will take years because of our 'head start'. This is a change from what Trippi predicted a few years ago to a few of us privately, when he said that the right would, like they did with direct mail, be dominant online fairly quickly.
Others have picked up the thread, most notably William Beutler and Mike Turk. William Beutler, a smart right-winger who has been observing this space for years, notes that the most innovative attempt this cycle on the right, McCainspace, isn't working because of its closed and hierarchical nature, something that Todd Zeigler points out as well. Much of the analysis centers on the notion that the GOP doesn't listen or won't use the internet, though Beutler also says that the lack of a primary in 2004 contributed to the woeful right-wing online sphere. Currently, Rightroots has raised around $400, versus around $4 million for Actblue.
There is something deep and weird going on. VC Fred Wilson blogged that the Republican candidates just aren't getting very much web traffic. And if you look at the top three Democratic candidates, the donor numbers are coming in roughly in proportion to the number of unique visitors they are getting. I can't really tell because Alexa isn't particularly reliable and Comscore is incomplete, but if you are trying to figure out the conversion rate of unique visitor to donor it looks like Edwards is overperforming, Obama is slightly underperforming, and Clinton is on target. This makes sense, as Edwards had the smartest asks (his Coulter-cash ask did very well) and the lowest web traffic, Clinton did a middling job but did ask with high traffic, and Obama's team took pride in not asking very often. Regardless, how your online operation performs matters only at the margins, since internet donations (and direct mail) suggest a broader cultural and messaging resonance. Edwards, Clinton, and Obama all have that. No GOP candidate does, at least online.
Mike Turk, the eCampaign Director for Bush-Cheney 2004, blogged what I think is important to understand.
First, and most important, is the fact that we simply do not engage in the same type of activities online. At the RNC and on the Bush Campaign, we took a look at the type of sites that were more commonly trafficked by voters from each party. We did polling to look at partisan behavior on the web in an effort to determine why the Democrats were successful at raising money online.The nature of the polling was aimed at answering a simple question. We had data that indicated Republicans were more likely to spend money online with e-commerce sites. There was a great comfort with buying online, but that had not extended to giving to campaigns. Needless to say, this seemed odd. If people were willing to give their credit card info via a website, why wouldn't they contribute that way?
We began to look at the patterns of behavior for partisans on both sides. On the GOP side, the sites visited tended toward e-commerce and sites that reflected individual pursuits. On the Dem side, we saw a lot more sites like Blue Mountain Greetings or social sites (blogs, greeting cards, and collective activities).
Those differences drove my pursuit of tools and activities that freed volunteers to participate from home without ever looping through the campaign. There just wasn't a lot of interest, among Republicans online, in social networking activities via the web. There was a lot of interest in social networking offline through house parties and such. That was illustrated by the fact that we had upwards of 5,000 to 8,000 Parties during our national party days (versus 2-3k for MoveOn and the Dean campaign).
Republicans were simply not as interested in virtual networking - they do most of it in the real world. (Understand, like any polling, this was a snapshot in time. These findings may not hold true today, but I believe they do).
Turk goes on to lament the state of GOP strategy online.
The trouble is not the Internet strategists, it is a party that doesn't believe its people will step up and participate if they are invited to do so. If you're cynical, you could make an argument that it is a party that doesn't trust its people enough to let them participate.
I've been digging into this question, of why the left is winning online, for years now. It's not easy to answer, since the tools we use are accessible to anyone. On the one hand, you can argue that it's the practical experience of using these tools that determines your success, and the GOP just is not that experienced. In 2008, or 2010, someone on the right will figure it out and bring the internet magic to the party.
On the other hand, and this is what I believe, the internet's rise in politics is part of a larger shift in the nature of our political system that is radically reshaping both parties. The Democratic Party is 'ahead' not in the sense that its masters have learned the new tools, but because the party is becoming much more open and aligned around a left-wing ideology that is ascendant in America. The Republican Party will go through this shift as well, maybe in two years, maybe in four, or six, but it will catch up with modern America. But it's going to be a very different structure with different leaders than it is today, either much more aligned with a Perotista anti-immigrant base or more left-wing and aligned with a multi-cultural America.
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