These days, so much is written about the netroots it is hard to keep track. However, two very recent articles by Democratic insiders caught my eye. First,
Mike McCurry:
You can see in blog commentary lots of great huffing and puffing that will get you to exactly 38% of the electorate. I don't see a lot of useful dialogue on how to get winning coalitions together that can win more than 50% in closely contested elections. As Juliet says, that is one reason we have gerrymandered safe districts and few contested races. It's also why we have lots of feel-good rants on the web and not enough dialogue about how to win close elections. I take this as a sign that I am getting old, but also that some newcomers in politics will need to get knocked around and lose a few before they understand that winning politics is not as easy as they think.
Next,
Joe Klein:
Let me give credit where it's due: I probably would not be writing this were it not for all the left wing screeching. The Stephanopoulos moment came and went ephemerally, as TV moments do, leaving a slight, queasy residue -- I knew that I hadn't explained myself adequately, but that happens a lot on television. So thanks, frothing bloggers, for calling me on my mistake. You can, at times, be a valuable corrective.
At other times, though, your vitriol just seems uninformed, malicious and disproportionate.
Ahh, so many stereotypes, so little time. Here are just a few aspects of the common narrative on the netroots that we can see presented in these two pieces:
- The netroots are "newcomers." Certainly, simply as a result of past technological limits, the netroots is a relatively new force on the American political landscape. However, as the Pew study of Dean activists strongly suggested, netroots activists are not "new" activists. Only 42% of Dean activists reported the 2004 Presidential campaign as their first Presidential campaign, and we are less than one year away from that number dropping much further. The only thing "new" about netroots activists is the platform from what they may pontificate. Most have been active in politics for some time, but lacked a forum to untie them.
- The netroots are young. McCurry does not use the term "young" directly, but he does counter himself with the netroots by referring to himself as someone who is "getting old." If he is "not-netroots" because he is old, then the netroots must be young. Certainly, the internet is a relatively new technology (though much older than, say, I-Pods or hybrid cars), and heavy internet users tend to skew young. However, the 2006 Blogads survey suggested a median age of 46 for netroots activists, which is hardly young by any national standard. Even though there is a stereotype of Democratic activists being old, I have been to DC on numerous occasions, and I have a very difficult time believing that the median age of the professional political activists in DC is much over the age of 46, and may even be younger than 46. I may be an apple cheeked 32 year-old, but I am a little young for a major progressive blogger (which would make Matt really young, and Jonathan a newborn). The netroots are hardly "young." (Update: I took a quick look at the Blogads survey, and it would apepar that I transposed a number. the meidan age is not 46.4, but rather 43.6 I subtracted the number from 50 instad of ading it to 50. still, that isn't exactly "young.")
- The netroots are "uninformed." If by uninformed you are referring to the 3 or 4% of the nation that spends the most time following news and politics, then sure, we are uninformed. If by uninformed you mean that we are composed entirely people who were so unsatisfied with the political information they found in established news sources that they have actively sought out other, unadvertised places that offer even more information about contemporary political events, then sure, we are uninformed. If by uninformed you mean highly engaged people who simply do not operate within the political professional clique that is Washington DC, then we are definitely uninformed. Considering our media consumption and political engagement habits, if we are uninformed, than everyone in the country is uninformed. However, the netroots is not uninformed--it just comes from different professional and social circles than the DC political class.
- The netroots are rabid. See "frothing," "malicious," and "huffing and puffing" in the above articles. There will never be any way for the netroots to entirely combat this charge. Whenever you draw three million people together, it is doubtful that you can get them all to stay on message and look like reasonable people. Within any large group, it will always be easy to be offended by, and to remember, the most vocally anti-social elements of that large group. Those elements exist within any large group, and it is all too simple a form of character assassination to characterize an entire group as exhibiting the traits of a small minority within that group. It is also easy for a large group of people who feel they are on the outside looking in to get a little aggressive at times. Finally, it is really easy for a small group of people in power to view the hordes massing at their doorstep (and the servants in their house) as rabid and overly aggressive. It is important to remember that characterizing the entire three million strong progressive netroots community as all containing identical personality traits is at best crude generalization, and at worst grotesque, chauvinistic stereotype.
- The netroots are inexperienced and arrogant. Once again, this was not a direct quote from either Klein or McCurry, but there is a clear implication of this charge. Related to Klein's "uninformed" claim, and more directly to McCurry's "some newcomers in politics will need to get knocked around and lose a few before they understand that winning politics is not as easy as they think" charge, the direct implication is that the netroots are simply not used to losing campaigns and that they lack the experience of using a variety of different tactics before accepting the tried and true tactics that actually work. Yeah, right. If there is one thing that the netroots have direct experience with, it is losing.
The netroots were basically formed out of a long series of losses by progressives: the Clinton impeachment (MoveOn.org), the 2000 Florida recount (Talking Points Memo, the first major progressive blog), the conservative exploitation of the charged atmosphere following 9/11 (I know that was the case for me), the war in Iraq (the rise of Dailykos and of Howard Dean's campaign), Howard Dean's campaign (DFA and a huge percentage of the netroots and new internet consultants, not to mention the Silent Revolution). Losses have consistently built and solidified the netroots. Progressives getting slaughtered while conservatives get away with murder are what formed this movement. The entire reason why the progressive netroots are so much more popular and powerful than the right-wing netroots are because we are lacking in useful alternative avenues to express ourselves and find representation within the broader political ecosystem. The netroots is born from progressive defeat, which perhaps somewhat explains why we stopped growing in September 2005--the exact moment when approval ratings for Bush and Republicans once and for all feel through the floor. I have said it before, and I will say it again: if "leaders" of the Democratic Party and progressive movement do not like the rise of the progressive netroots, the number one way to stymie its growth is to start winning campaigns. We wouldn't be so pissed off, active, and into "do-it-yourself" mode if we were winning. The netroots know what losing is like, and we have had enough of it.
Five stereotypes in two posts--not bad. Upon further reflection, these stereotyped all seem to combine into a larger caricature. What else is inexperienced, overly aggressive, arrogant, uninformed and young? I am not a parent, but I was a teacher for while, so I now the easy answer to that question:
Teenagers.
In the Joe Klein / Mike McCurry narrative, the netroots are teenagers while career political professional are adults. I suppose I could have been more provocative and pointed out how the characteristics they ascribe to the netroots were also ascribed to indigenous peoples (childlike savages) by the European ruling classes (mature, experienced, cultured adults) for centuries in order to justify mass colonization, slavery and genocide, but using such provocative language would probably only help to end the discussion rather than continue it. Besides, considering that the netroots over sample the well to do, white, male, "creative" over-class in America, the teenager analogue just makes more sense anyway.
This is the dominant narrative concerning the netroots within much of the "gang of 500." The netroots are teenagers who think they know what they are doing but don't, while the establishment , both media and political, are adult professionals who know how to get things done. This is a narrative based on a series of faulty assumptions about the netroots that I have detailed above. It is also based on a general lack of appreciation of the sophistication and cohesion of the netroots. Through mass popular discussion and debate,
the netroots are developing a new consensus entirely separate from that of the establishment:
- Long term fifty state strategy versus short term selective targeting;
- Being a partisan Democrat versus an ideological Democrat of some sort;
- Directly challenging Republicans versus letting Republicans self-destruct;
- Changing progressive infrastructure versus changing progressive policy;
- Altering the conventional wisdom versus accepting the conventional wisdom.
Already, at least one of the five major netroots ideas, the fifty-state strategy, has thoroughly infected the establishment to the point where it has reached the coveted status of conventional wisdom. That is hardly something that "teenagers" could achieve. This is, of course, because what is happening among the netroots is not childlike or adolescent in any way. These are the people who have funded and supplied the volunteer resources for the progressive movement and for the Democratic Party for a long time now. Highly politically engaged and voracious consumers of media, the only thing that separates the netroots from the DC political culture is that the vast majority of netroots activists are not political professionals, and do not live in DC. As such, they consume different media, and travel in different professional and social circles. While DC conventional wisdom is forged in those social and professional circles, as well as in beltway media, conventional wisdom for the netroots activist is forged online in blogs, email listservs, message boards, and social networking sites. That "our" collective thinking has resulted in different conclusions from those reached in "their" collective thinking should not be a surprise to anyone. It is the inevitable product of the different circumstances under which our collective thinking occurs. This does not mean they are adults and we are teenagers, as much as Klein and McCurry would like to think that is the case. It just means that their CW was forged in different material conditions than our CW. Of coruse that is going to result in different CWs.
From their perspective, we are teenagers, and they are adults.
From our perspective, they are the aristocracy, while we are both the bourgeois and the working class. In the end, neither analysis is ultimately correct, since the difference in the viewpoints was caused by different material conditions.
The important thing, I think, remains in what both sides do with their different perspectives. George Lakoff is known for arguing that the difference between conservatives and progressives in America relates to different views of the family--the "strict father" versus the "nurturing parent." Does the political establishment view the netroots as dangerous teenagers who need to be "taken in hand" for their own good (or "knocked in the teeth," as someone might put it) or rather ns individuals who need be respected and encouraged in their independence? They need to decide whether to take the combative, conservative stance towards us, or the progressive, encouraging and inclusive stance toward us.
Talks need to open up in the activist class war, but considering that they hold all of the cards and all of the power and influence, and considering the narratives they are spinning about us, the ball remains firmly in their court.