This week The Economist's America columnist Lexington asks an interesting question about today's Republican Party: Is the GOP a "national party no more?"
The extent of the southernisation of the Republican Party is astonishing. The party was all but wiped out in its historic base, the north-east. There is now only one Republican in the 22-strong New England House delegation. New Hampshire kicked out its two Republican congressmen (and gave Democrats a majority in both state houses for the first time since 1874). Massachusetts ended 16 years of Republican occupation of the governor's mansion. Rhode Island decapitated Lincoln Chafee despite his moderate record. New York installed Democrats in every statewide office for the first time since 1938.The Republicans also suffered big losses in a region that voted solidly for Bush in 2004--the Mountain West. Three Republicans lost house seats. Conrad Burns lost his Senate seat in Montana (59% for Bush in 2004). Democrats now control five of the eight governorships in the region, compared with none in 2000.
The only place where the national tide had little impact was in the South. The Democrats made a few inroads in the periphery--winning a Senate seat in Virginia and House seats in North Carolina, Florida and Texas. But deep southern states such as Georgia and Mississippi remained unchanged. Exit polls showed that only 36% of white voters in the South voted for Democratic House candidates; it was 58% in the north-east.
The problem for the Republicans is that a regional stronghold can become a prison. The South has one of the most distinctive cultures in the United States--far more jingoistic than the rest of the country and far more religious. Fifty-eight per cent of deep southerners identify themselves as either evangelical or born-again compared with a third of non-southerners (the figure in Mississippi is 73%). But for every non-southerner who waxes lyrical about southern charm there are many more who associate the South with racial bigotry and cultural backwardness. The 2006 election--which saw social conservatives such as Rick Santorum and Kenneth Blackwell go down to humiliating defeat--suggests that non-southerners have grown particularly impatient with the South's brand of in-your-face religiosity.
Lexington adds a few notes of caution to the piece, highlighting the fact that neither of the two supposed frontrunners for the 2008 Republican presidential nomination (John McCain and Rudy Giuliani) are from the South and that the results of one election cannot always be read to indicate a longer-lasting trend.
Nonetheless, Lexington makes an interesting point: At the same time as the Democrats are attempting to reinvigorate their party all across the country through the 50-state strategy, the Republicans are increasingly looking Southward to shore up support. For many Republicans, in fact, the lesson learned November 7 was not that American voters had rejected the extreme conservative agenda of the GOP but rather that the Republican Party was not conservative enough, bending on issues like spending and immigration.
Again, there is no assurance that the Democratic gains made on November 7 in places like the Mountain West will hold over the course of the next several elections -- or even just in 2008. But if history is any indicator, the fact that a number of these previously Republican-leaning states are not only electing Democrats to state-level offices (both for governorships and legislatures) but also sending Democrats to Washington (both Congressmen and Senators) augurs well for the Democratic Party as it attempts to extend the list of states in which it can compete in Presidential elections. And the more the Democrats put the GOP on the defensive in states like Colorado or Arkansas, both of which elected new Democratic governors by wide margins, the more the Republicans will be forced into challenging Democratic strongholds like Oregon or Michigan -- neither of which are particularly welcoming of candidates running on a hard-right platform.
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