It'll be an interesting ride. There are a lot of choices this group of leaders will make; they will either pay attention to the populist progressive wave that elected their majority, or they will move to appease the DLC constituency that worked against them in the 1990s and over the past six years. For a variety of cultural reasons, I suspect that the latter path is a bit more likely, though that's by no means clear. There's evidence on both sides.
On the DLCish side, Democratic leaders Chuck Schumer and Barney Frank are moving to put a partial repeal of Sarbanes-Oxley on the agenda. This is ostensibly a reaction to New York's declining position as a financial center, which right-wingers are attributing to cumbersome regulations. My suspicion is that New York's decline has more to do with the disastrous strategic position of America's military along with our dangerous reliance on Chinese capital. A friend told me that over two days last week Christie's auction house did $1 billion of business, with much of it Chinese and Russian money. That has nothing to do with Sarbanes-Oxley. Still, it is convenient for Schumer to pay back his contributors for their DSCC help, and for Frank to set up his possible Senate run in 2008 for Kerry's seat by appealing to this lucrative donor set. There's a lot of money in dem dar financial circles.
On the other hand, there's a real popular movement against inequitable power relationships. The janitor's stunning victory in Houston is majorly important; unions in the South are rare, and unions in Texas are often crushed by an incredibly reactionary political system. That the janitors won with popular support in that city shows that the themes Jim Webb wrote about in his stunningly populist Wall Street Journal Op-Ed are real and resonant. Here's a recently elected Senator-elect sounding a lot like our newest socialist Senator, Bernie Sanders, and here's the working poor winning the hearts and minds of a Texan city.
The trend of moving against unfair economic practices and the inequitable power relationships they spring from is real. And it was the backbone of last cycle's net neutrality fight, which is about the public's desire to treat the internet as the commons it is presumed to be. The ideal solution for business and political elites would be to recognize this new force in American society and alter their practices to accommodate it. We all want an open universal broadband network that all can hook into, so there's no structural conflict as long as we can inject putting public money into a resource that the public wants.
This accomodation might be possible, though again we will have this DLC-populist conflict in play in pretty clear sight. John Dingell, Chairman of the House Energy and Commerce Committee and a staunch net neutrality proponent last cycle, has just hired Gregg Rothschild to be his Committee Chief of Staff for the Energy and Commerce Committee. Rothschild is great on energy, he's great on prescription drugs, and media, and other issues the committee handles. He's also a former Verizon lobbyist and in that role he was a vicious opponent of net neutrality. That could mean that Dingell is no longer serious on net neutrality, and that he's going to accommodate himself to the telecom lobby. Or it could ideally mean that Dingell has hired the perfect ambassador to the telecom industry, the one would can explain to Verizon and AT&T that they must accept an open and neutral network, and in return for this the public will put in the funds to build a really massive and effective broadband infrastructure.
I'll be interested to see what happens. Energy and Commerce is a big and important committee, and I'll watching to see if Dingell drops net neutrality as an issue, or if Rothschild can play the role ambassador to big business from the public that I hope he will. The netroots and the progressive movement isn't going away, and we have to make sure that our legislators write laws that are for the benefit of all of us, not simply any one sector full of campaign contributors.
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