Candidates hate it. Voters, too. So why can't we fix it?

I'm talking about the special interest money-drenched campaign finance system, which seems to act like a corruption-magnet, while shutting people and good candidates out.

Today's Washington Post story points out that this election is characterized by an unusually large number of races with corruption or personal scandals - perhaps as many as 15 races, according to the story. Fifteen is the Democrats magic number. If you're a Republican, I guess you could say that at least the corruption story has been localized. Isn't that what Tom Reynolds - who running in one of those 15 races impacted by scandal - wanted? Races to be determined not by the news of a corrupt Washington, but 435 individualized elections?

For more than a year, Democrats have tried to gain political advantage from what they called "a culture of corruption" in Republican-controlled Washington. Republican campaign officials insist the theme has not caught on with the public, but even they concede that many individual races have been hit hard.

Though it is clear that the war in Iraq is the dominant nationalized issue of the election, I do think there's a larger theme at work here that invokes the corruption at a national level: this Republican Congress is not listening to the people - they are out of touch, too cozy in Washington, and are stuck defending the status quo mess of their own making. So far, the Democrats have succeeded campaigning on change - change the course in Iraq and change politics-as-usual in Washington.

Should the Congress change hands in January, the Democratic leadership has promised to pass ethics and lobbying reform in the very first 100 hours of running the House to break the nexus of lobbying and lawmaking, in their words. The policy they're suggesting at this point -- Pelosi has pointed to a mixture of lobbying and ethics reforms -- are fine on the surface but don't go to the root of the problem: the pay-to-play, privately-financed campaign finance system that privileges those with money over those with ideas.

If they really want to shake things up, and do something that will capture the public's attention, they ought to embrace the first platform item on the Voters First Pledge - public financing of congressional elections.

(Note: Later today or tomorrow I'm going to post a list of all those who are likely to be in the next Congress who have signed the pledge, as well as those who have signed but are in uncertain elections.)

Voters are sick of the non-stop advertising and the scandals that come from privately-financed campaigns that are ripe for real and perceived conflicts of interest. Candidates are sick of raising money. Many downright hate it. Even some donors are sick of the rising cost of donating - one told me yesterday he's waiting for Harold Ford Jr. to call because he read the news that Bob Corker triggered the so-called Millionaire's Amendment, which frees up Ford Jr. to raise contributions above the legal limit of $2,100.

Here's a primer on how Clean Elections-style public financing works. Candidates agree to a spending limit and agree to take little or no private contributions beyond the start-up costs. They raise a large number of small contributions from people they seek to represent to qualify for a set amount of public money. Qualifying standards would have to be significantly high to ensure integrity, but not so high to shut out legitimate candidates.

If a participating candidate is outspent by someone not participating in the system, or independent expenditures, they receive "fair fight" funds to keep pace (generally two or three times the original campaign limit). They don't spend time dialing for dollars. Rather they spend their time courting voters. Governor Janet Napolitano (D-AZ) used the system in Arizona in 2002 to win, and is using it again this year. Three-quarters of the Maine legislature was elected under the law there. At the federal level, provisions for airtime would have to be included to make this work.

Think about how a Medicare reform bill would have turned out differently if lawmakers (of both parties) were elected under such a system. Do you think we'd be further along the path of energy independence and a real alternative energy plan if lawmakers didn't depend on oil and gas contributions? How about real oversight into the corporate profiting from contracts in Iraq? Or about how much time this would free up from the day-in-day-out fundraising treadmill our elected officials are on -- what else could they be working on?

There's no doubt: if the Democrats were to seriously tackle this issue, there would be a major pushback from K Street. Campaign contributions are the stock-in-trade for too many in Washington. But there's no better time for the House Democrats to push Clean Elections. We'll have to be there to back up any courageous elected officials who pursue it. Llater, I'll post who's already made the pledge.



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Re: Candidates hate it. Voters, too. So why can't (none / 0)

Here in California, we have the opportunity to vote for publicly financed elections on a statewide basis in Prop. 89.

Polls show the measure is not doing well -- citizens, alienated from government, are easily convinced that this is just another way to take more money from them and give it to politicians. And they don't like politicians.

In order to win these things, a long, patience process of public education is needed -- hard to do in a big state. Correct me if I am wrong, but didn't it take Maine several tries before they won one of these systems?


Can It Happen Here?
by janinsanfran on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 11:43:26 AM EST

Re: Candidates hate it. Voters, too. So why can't (none / 0)

Well, I ran the Maine Clean Elections campaign in 1995 and 1996. A central argument for voters was that the Maine Legislature had not passed reform, despite 40 bills on the issue had been introduced. But the two real differences between the ballot question in Maine and Prop 89 (VOTE YES!) are that a) the question on the ballot in Maine was clearer and didn't propose any tax increases (which is the case in CA), and b) Prop 89 includes other reforms, like a limit on corporate contributions to ballot measures, which has attracted more opposition than might otherwise have been the case.

You're right that polls don't look good, but the people on the campaign are working incredibly hard and I urge everyone in California to vote Yes on Prop 89.


by David Donnelly on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 11:51:25 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Candidates hate it. Voters, too. So why can't (none / 0)

Thanks for the info. I knew the Maine story would be interesting.

Yes, in CA, the measure seems to have been written without enough input from potential stakeholders, so the coalition fighting for it is not quite broad enough.


Can It Happen Here?
by janinsanfran on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 01:23:29 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Candidates hate it. Voters, too. So why can't (none / 0)

No problem. Let me just say this, though: the campaign has had a number of very significant endorsements from key leaders and constituency groups, and is fighting to win this campaign. Polls are polls, and are notoriously inaccurate on ballot measures. What I do know is that this is the right campaign finance policy for California.

I'm positive sure will be time to discuss what happens on election day afterwards -- my comments above are my own distant take since I haven't been involved in the campaign it's not my place to analyze from the sidelines (my organization has placed staffers on the campaign and is helping out in lots of ways -- I'm working on different projects).

Right now, with five days remaining, it's important to look at how the campaign can win.


by David Donnelly on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 01:29:55 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Too many vested interests (none / 0)

The moral hazard is just too great.

Look what happened to the amendment (from Snowe and Lieberman, I think) to the ethics bill du jour which would have established an independent ethics board to supervise the treatment of Congressional ethics complaints: it died a bipartisan death.

Point is, the current system has the pols and the moneybags linked like Siamese twins, not (like Chang and Eng) superficially, but in every organ of the body.

Except, in this case, the risk of mortality works only one way: the current mob of pols are liable to expire, but the moneybags will merely find an alternative way of bringing their influence to bear.

Turkeys voting for Christmas simply isn't in it.

(Think of the difficulty Pelosi had in winkling out Jefferson from Ways and Means: loads of MCs don't care how bad it looks, and they're terrified of losing their cosy cribs if the rules change.

And, since they have a lock on whether the rules do change - stymie.)


by skeptic06 on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 12:26:38 PM EST

Fuckin' A. (3.00 / 1)

Here are some anti-bullshit things I would like to see, and the odds I see of them happening:

  1. Halfway decent lobbbying reform (4:1, 2:1 odds on a fig-leaf)
  2. A public election financing scheme as described above or similar (10:1 at the federal level, 3:2 longer term on adoption in a significant number of states)
  3. Federal standards for voting machines, including a guarantee of voter verified paper trails for electronic voting and other voting reforms (12:1)
  4. Elimination/reform of the electoral college (30:1)
  5. Anti-gerrymandering standards (100:1)
  6. A substantial increase in the number of representatives (1 for every 250k citizens = ~1200) in the house to reflect the increase in population and diversity of the country (1000:1)

I'd like to see an anti-gerrymandering initiative done on a state-by state level that's similar to the anti-electoral college initiative that's in the pipe in a number of states.  States would adopt a common standard for redistricting when a critical mass of states had accepted the same resolution.  That would have the potential to avoid the logjam created by fear of unilateral disarmament.


by fwiffo on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 12:29:57 PM EST

Re: Fuckin' A. (none / 0)

Republicans will NEVER agree to anti-gerrymandering standards. That's their only hold on power. If there were real proportional representation by voter, then small counties would be swamped by more populous ones.

Since the small rural parts of many states tend to be more conservative (hence Republican strongholds) they would lose power to urban areas. No way any Republican is going to agree to that!

Either the Congress or the Courts are going to have to ram it through. Some states might pass such measures, but can you see any southern state doing it? Texas for instance?

They'd lie down and die in the last ditch first!


by Cugel on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 01:10:45 PM EST
[ Parent ]

opposite theory exists (none / 0)

namely, in urban area democratic voters have high concentrations, about 80%, while in the countryside and outer suburbs the republican voters have lower concentrations, about 60%, which would favor GOP if districts are drawn to be geographically compact.

On the other hand, rural voters are perhaps going away from GOP, so those "60% GOP" district can fall into "45-55% GOP" zone.

Some argue that gerrymandering allows total loons to be elected, and this is the most evil part of it, rather than raw numbers of GOP and Dem elected Congresscritters.


by Piotr on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 03:31:04 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Representation Party (none / 0)

That's a platform I would support wholeheartedly, and #6 most of all. Let's call it the Representation Party and get people thinking about what real democracy would look like in this country.


by billybob on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 04:52:08 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Why can't we fix it? (3.00 / 1)

Candidates hate it. Voters, too. So why can't we fix it?

Answer: Because people with money LOVE it, and in this perfect shangri-la called the Free Market, that is the ONLY thing that matters


by tbone on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 12:54:28 PM EST

Re: Why can't we fix it? (none / 0)

Isn't it time the netroots weighed in and took them on? People feel so disconnected from their government because someone else has bought it. People have lost faith in government and the conservatives have spun that as a function of the size and scope of government, rather than the quality of government. Right now, government is working too much for those with big money, and not enough for all the people.

There's more of us, though. We just need to pick this fight. It's the right one.


by David Donnelly on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 01:18:42 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Why can't we fix it? (3.00 / 1)

I gave you a rate, but I wanted to point out that (a) what we have isn't a free market and (b) damn few lobbyists or their clients really want a free market, despite their lip-service.  Judging by the things they push for, what want is a market freer for them and less free for their employees, customers, and competitors.  

Most people loudly extolling the virtues of a free market would probably starve in a real one.


by Bearpaw on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 01:52:52 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Why can't we fix it? (none / 0)

I should have put "Free Market" in quotes.
Good points all. Thanks.

One could make the point that we have an enormous choice of Chips. Potato, Corn, fried, baked, ultra cheap, gourmet, etc.
But then on the other hand we have Airlines, Banks, Energy Companies, Broadcasting, Voting Machines, Operating System Software companies, Comunications Industry...

Neo-Feudalism is a harsh mistress, isn't she?


by tbone on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 03:19:13 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Focus on the States (none / 0)

The more states that we can enact this legislation, the more politicians we'll be able to elect that will trumpet and support this system.  Only after enough victories at the state level will we see public financing supported at the federal level.


by beedee on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 01:26:25 PM EST

Campaign Finance Reform (none / 0)

Voters hate it, but they keep electing the same people. Hmmmm.

Actually, public financing is a way for incumbants to get a significant advantage over challengers and for the 2 major parties to lock out the competition. And yes, it is stealing my money for politicians.

Progressives only hate the current system because they imagine it helps conservative candidates more than liberal ones. Nobody gets too upset when the Labor Unions and Trial Lawyers attempt to buy off Democrats.


by mdf1960 on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 01:57:18 PM EST

So why can't we fix it? (none / 0)

I'm not holding my breath.  Polls show that no one trusts either party, when you get right down to it.  


Follow the money
by dkmich on Thu Nov 02, 2006 at 04:14:28 PM EST


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