It is a movement distinctly non-ideological, for whom the battle is not within the party, but against the Republican Party and stopping their agenda. A united opposition takes partisanship as its calling. That's what a minority party's does; they do not govern, they do not dictate by majority maneuver the terrain on which to battle. Minorities oppose the majority, and out of that opposition, eventually, an alternative arises.
It is with this mission that I cast my lot, and my future in the Democratic Party. While I have wide ranging opinions on policy and ideology, I am best suited in dealing with these broad organizational issues. It is with these ideas that I will spend my energies, rather than upon developing policy and wrangling with ideological concerns. It is, after all, primarily for the reasons I outlined above that I believe we are in the minority. I do not think that the main reason we have arrived at our current state is because we believe the wrong things.
However, even as hacks such as myself begin to rise in prominence within progressive circles, I wish to offer a note of caution about our potential to raise our non-ideological concerns above all others we currently face. It comes from the final line I quoted from Jerome above:
In other words, I think it can be safely argued that it was the long-term dominance of practical, technocratic liberalism that led to paralysis on the part of the party establishment while the conservative movement slowly built itself up from the ground. Practical politics simply cannot respond in kind to movement politics. It thus strikes me that one of the main reasons a practical, governing consensus was eventually defeated by a rising political movement was because it refused to be any but a practical, governing consensus (and, in all too many cases, still refuses to accept it is anything but that now). It should also not be difficult to understand the organization structure envisioned by the hacks and the Reform Democrats would function as the mechanism for a movement, rather than as another practical, governing consensus. Properly used, it is a vessel into which the alternative policy vision will flow and be nurtured. Improperly used, it will become an awkward, unrealized and unwieldy supplement to a purely practical politics for which partisanship has little meaning. A mechanism such as the one I seek to build neither tolerates nor compliments disinterested inquiry easily, as it neither tolerates nor compliments internal division easily.
We are going to need an alternative agenda that has not only a practical appeal, but an ideological one. We are going to have to start implementing this agenda at the local and statewide level, because right now we simply can't implement one in Washington. It is for this reason that even if you are like me and are most interested in helping to reverse the organizational deficits I outlined above, I invite you to look at Nathan Newman's new organization, Agenda for Justice, and David Sirota's new organization, the Progressive Legislation Action Network. In particular, the Agenda for Justice already boasts a wide compliment of policy ideas for local groups and activists that I believe are worth a read. We can begin to incubate and mold these ideas at a local level, and the new structures we are building can eventually take them nationwide. Give both new organizations a look see.
I am a proud hack, and I don't think Democrats are wrong, but we need to find new ways to turn our ideas into new policy so that we have our alternative to Republicans sooner rather than later.
Update: To those in the comments who lament the fall of common sense, technocratic liberalism and practical politics, you are not alone. However, what to do in the face of moevement politics then? As burritoboy notes, this is the central question of modern democracy. I am not convinced that just giving it the finger or contiuing to demand the return of technocratic liberalism is the answer. I think to a very real degree, that is why we are losing.
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