Democracy: Inequality and Giant Corporations
One form of the question focuses on the challenge economic inequality poses to democratic practice - and the degree to which different institutions do or do not foster equality. "If income, wealth, and economic position are also political resources, and if they are distributed unequally, then how can citizens be political equals?" asks political scientist Robert Dahl. "And if citizens cannot be political equals, how is democracy to exist?"
We are all familiar with the wide variety of ways that corporations and the privileged wealthy elite game the political system. Alperovitz joins the issue of political inequality and economic inequality at the hip:
More in Extended Entry
Alperovitz is covering familiar ground for those of us at MyDD, but key points bear repeating:
. . .
A host of studies have documented some of the most obvious realities. The large corporation regularly
(1) Influences legislation and agenda setting through lobbying
(2) Influences regulatory behavior through direct and indirect pressure
(3) Influences elections via large-scale campaign contributions
(4) Influences public attitudes through massive media campaigns
(5) Influences local government choices through all of the above - and adds the implicit or explicit threat of withdrawing its plants, equipment, and jobs from specific locations.
(6) Influences choices at all levels by virtue of the simple fact that in the absence of an alternative, the economy as a whole depends on the viability and success of its most important economic actor - a reality that commonly forces citizen and politician alike to respond to corporate demands.
Alperovitz presents a truisim, that ultraworld will certainly approve of, and even conservatives will be compelled to accept. Corporations only have the rights that Congress and the Supreme Court grant them:
Part II: The Democratization of Wealth
A Direct Stake in Econmic Life: Worker-Owned Firms
This chapter chronicles the dramatic sub-rosa expansion of ESOPs since Kelso created the concept in the early 70's.
The answer is: in fact, thousands and thousands of them are. Indeed, more Americans now work in firms that are partly or wholly owned by the employees than are members of unions in the private sector!
W.L. Gore is also one of thirty companies profiled in a report, The Emerging New Society: The Best in American Innovation from The Democracy Collaborative. The PDF download is 145 pages (that I have only skimmed) and has a nine page list of resources at the end. There is a whole lot of economic shakin' goin' on at the grassroots level.
This seems like a good time to introduce the history of ESOPs.
At the heart of the ESOP idea is the basic financing concept urged by Louis Kelso for broadening the ownership of wealth - namely, if some form of guarantee or collateral can be arranged to provide loans for productive investment, new wealth ownership by diverse groups (in this case employees of a firm) can be developed and paid for by the profits that the investment itself generates.
. . .
There are approximately 11,000 ESOPs now operating in communities in all regions of the United States. Asset holdings total more than $400 billion. The National Center for Employee Ownership (NCEO) estimates that total worker holdings (of all forms of stock ownership and stock options) reached approximately $800 billion in 2002 - that is, roughly 8 percent of all U.S. corporate stock.
Specialized software has been written to help evaluate purchase obligations in an ESOP buyout. ESOPs pay 12 percent higher wages and almost three times the retirement benefits. ESOPs have broad political appeal on the right and the left. There are state and federal programs to helf finance and provide technical assistance to ESOP buyouts. One problem has been the bias of ESOPs towards higher paid employees. This is not a necessary requirement of ESOPs. There have been a number of proposals for next-stage development of ESOPs.
I couldn't find details to The Blasi Plan. In lieu of that, I made this suggestion for how a progressive ESOP structure might look. There is no economic law that mandates more favorable benefits for those at the top who don't need them because they are already very well compensated.
There is a vast range of new ideas in the public domain if Democrats have the courage to embrace them. The biggest hurdle to seizing the moral budgetary and ethical high ground is the DNC timidity and fear or criticism from Limbaugh and Hannity that grips the Democratic party. Alperovitz's vision is going to be criticized, but his vision is far better politically and economically grounded than privatizing Social Security.
Let's stop being afraid of our shadow and boldly venture where no Dem has gone before in recent memory; into the arena of bold visions for the American people.
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