Environmental groups have spent the last 40 years defining themselves against conservative values like cost-benefit accounting, smaller government, fewer regulations, and free trade, without ever articulating a coherent morality we can call our own. Most of the intellectuals who staff environmental groups are so repelled by the right's values that we have assiduously avoided examining our own in a serious way. Environmentalists and other liberals tend to see values as a distraction from "the real issues" -- environmental problems like global warming.
If environmentalists hope to become more than a special interest we must start framing our proposals around core American values and start seeing our own values as central to what motivates and guides our politics. Doing so is crucial if we are to build the political momentum -- a sustaining movement -- to pass and implement the legislation that will achieve action on global warming and other issues.(...)
Environmentalists need to tap into the creative worlds of myth-making, even religion, not to better sell narrow and technical policy proposals but rather to figure out who we are and who we need to be.
Above all else, we need to take a hard look at the institutions the movement has built over the last 30 years. Are existing environmental institutions up to the task of imagining the post-global warming world? Or do we now need a set of new institutions founded around a more expansive vision and set of values?
If, for example, environmentalists don't consider the high cost of health care, R&D tax credits, and the overall competitiveness of the American auto industry to be "environmental issues," then who will think creatively about a proposal that works for industry, workers, communities and the environment? If framing proposals around narrow technical solutions is an ingrained habit of the environmental movement, then who will craft proposals framed around vision and values?
However, I would like to point out an important difference between the labor movement and other ghettoized progressive "special interests," that this article sublimates. It is a difference that I have repeatedly seen either sublimated or completely ignored by the non-labor progressive movement as a whole. It is a difference that we must realize if this broader coalition is ever to be built.
The goal of environmental organizations is to improve the environment. The goal of civil rights organizations is to increase civil rights. The goal of labor unions, however, is not just to improve benefits and conditions for workers. Instead of just improving conditions for workers, the actual goal of the labor movement is to give workers a say over their working conditions. The primary means by which this is achieved is collective bargaining. This is the fundamental difference between the labor movement and other issue advocacy organizations, and it is a difference that must be understood in order for any broader alliance of progressive interests that includes labor to be formed. While the labor movement, like other "special interests," does work to pass legislation that furthers its aims, unlike other "special interests," this is not the end all, be all of labor activity. In fact, it is a very minor part of labor activity. The primary goal of the labor movement in our post-radical labor era, is to increase the number of workers who are presented by collective bargaining agreements. While other issue advocacy organizations bargain with the government and the population at large, the labor movement works so that workers can bargain with employers.
For all their much needed cries about the need to form alliances and break down the barriers that have ghettoized special interests and prevented them all from achieving broader progressive goals, this is a difference that Shellenberger and Nordhaus fail to realize in their article. This failure makes them profoundly unresponsive to the actual goals of the labor movement. Particularly illuminating to me was the following passage:
Considering this, a true alliance between labor and environmental groups could be formed not just by working to dismantle industries that are not sustainable and replacing them with new, sustainable industries, but instead by working with labor to change the laws surrounding collective bargaining that currently are overwhelming slanted in favor of employers. With current organizing, bargaining, and job action laws, any new industry, no matter how sustainable or "progressive" on its face, will almost certainly remain unorganized. Whatever new jobs are created will almost certainly not be jobs where the workers have a say over their working conditions.
To form a true alliance that take the interests of workers and the progressive movement into account, environmental and civil rights groups must join with the labor movement to collectively call for a revamping of organizing laws that recognizes the difference between labor and other special interests. Specifically, they must all call for national, private-sector card check laws that would dramatically improve the ability of labor unions to help more workers engage in collective bargaining. They must work to help repeal the Orwellian named "right to work" laws in all twenty-two states where they currently exist. Rather than just helping to create new jobs or reduce the cost of health care, in other words advocating on behalf of workers, they need to help labor unions allow workers to advocate on their own behalf when talking to employers. The goal of labor unions is not to be mere advocacy organizations that improve the working conditions for workers in a top-down fashion, much like the Sierra club works to improve the environment. Instead, the goal of labor unions is for workplaces to be democratic areas that allow workers a voice in their working conditions. We are not just interested in people having better jobs or new job in sustainable industries. The goal is collective bargaining and workplace democracy: people having a say over their jobs.
Especially for younger progressive activists, the vast majority of whom have never been in a labor union and for whom progressive politics primarily means working with top-down special interests groups, this important difference between labor unions and other issue advocacy organizations might not be apparent. This also might cause unnecessary friction between such activists and unions that is counter-productive to the absolutely essential coalition building described in Shellenberger and Nordhaus' article. While environmental, civil rights and labor organizations are often listed side-by-side in a way that makes them look equivalent, they most certainly do not all have the same function or purpose. Further, the difference between them is not just the different issues they were created to focus upon. If the labor movement's goals were the same as other special interests, collective bargaining would not exist. Instead, top consultants would work simply to pass laws that improve people's working conditions without any input from the worker's themselves. This, however, is not what labor unions do. Unless this is realized, the coalitions described in the article cannot be formed. At the same time, if the coalitions described in the article are not formed, than we are all in a lot of trouble.
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