interesting article on the future of our party

inviting comments on  http://www.nytimes.com/2005/01/26/opinion/26starr.html?ex=1106974800&en=94338f2e1d7d029e&ei= 5070



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Response to Paul Starr (none / 0)

Paul Starr completely misidentifies the nature of the Democratic Party's problems ("Winning Cases, Losing Voters," January 26). He blames liberal stances on social issues like abortion, gay rights, and affirmative action, despite the fact that the Democrats' pro-choice (71% of Americans think abortion should be legal), pro-civil union (53% support either civil unions or outright gay marriage) and pro-affirmative action (63% support) positions are broadly popular among the electorate.

Starr also trots out the clichéd notion that the reliance of women and gays on courts, rather than legislatures, for remedies to unequal treatment is politically foolish. The ability of conservatives to block popular state-level pro-choice laws in pre-Roe days suggests differently.

Democrats should resist such calls to reposition themselves to the "center" after each election defeat. The results are predictable: the center moves further to the right, and Democrats are painted as "flip-floppers" who don't stand for anything.

by tgeraghty on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 02:45:17 AM EST

Re: Response to Paul Starr (none / 0)

So was having the Mass. Supreme Ct. recognize gay marriages worth losing the presidency? Because as a Dem voter in Ohio, I can tell you that the Mass. Supreme Ct. decision led to Kerry's defeat in our state.

Kerry loses Ohio by around 119,000 votes. Issue 1, the issue that was marketed as the "anti-gay marriage" amendment to the State constitution, passed by around 60% of the vote. Take that issue off the ballot and we carry Ohio and win the election.

To me having George W. Bush as president for the next 4 years is worse than having the Mass. Supreme Ct. not recognize gay marriage, but that is just my opinion, I could be wrong.

by mrgavel on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 03:31:32 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Response to Paul Starr (none / 0)

People who have looked at this closely have shown that the gay marriage bans didn't affect turnout or even Bush's share of the vote very much, except maybe in some deep South states that Bush was going to win anyway:

In Ohio, Bush gained support in counties in which the gay marriage ban received more than 55.9 percent of the vote and lost support in counties in which the gay marriage ban received less than 55.9 percent of the vote.

Since the ban received 61.8 percent of the vote in the state, the net gain for Bush was approximately 0.87% of the statewide vote, or 46,000 votes.

So that would not have been nearly enough to carry Ohio for Kerry. There is very little evidence that the Democrats are losing elections over these social issues.

But there is a lot of evidence that people have no clue what Democrats stand for, and that people think Democrats are flip-flopping opportunists who will say anything to get elected.

Every time we do one of these "blacks to the wolves!" "gays to the wolves!" "women to the wolves!" deals after an election loss, we just reinforce that notion.

Kerry would have been far better off taking a principled stand against the gay marriage bans based on an equal rights justification, rather than his wobbly "I'm against gay marriage but for civil unions" stance.

by tgeraghty on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 04:26:58 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Response to Paul Starr (none / 0)

The article totally ignores turnout factor, which is why Bush carried Ohio. Give you an example: In my county in Ohio Kerry increased the turnout for Dems by almost 10,000 votes, but Bush increased his vote by over 10,000 votes. I don't believe that Bush would have increased his vote by as much as he did if the gay marriage amendment wouldn't have been on the ballot.
by mrgavel on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 07:11:19 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Response to Paul Starr (none / 0)

The exit polling data disagrees with you. As for your belief, there is a difference between belief and proof. Going back to the gay marriage ban issue in Ohio, for example, the question is more complicated than you want to admit. First, off there was the efforts by the right to paint the amendment as preventing states from forcing churches to perform gay marriage. You know (I hope), and I know that this is bologne. The fact is separation of church and state would prevent the gov't from forcing churches to perform gay marriages. But, people believed it. Which says more about people's understanding of their own system of governance than it does about how they felt on the issue. The law is so repressive that it even bans straight civil unions (as I understand it).

Why would people vote for a law that bans straight marriage? The answer can be found if you look at similar bills that were passed by iniative and referendum in California. There is often a general lack of understanding of the amendments being passed. The same is true here. The right, with support of "liberals" such as yourself, is able to perpectuate its misinformation. By the way, the anti immigration amendment in CA that passed back in the 1990s is a prime example of how misinformation can be used to obtain a result with the electorate greater than what they intend.

Also, I find it funny that you think the reason for the turn out in Ohio was a result of gay marriage. You must have a very low opinion of your fellow voters in the state. Let's be clear,the turn out was high across the country for both Republicans and Democrats. Are you also attributing this high turn out to gay marriage in states that didn't have the amendments on the ballot?

by bruh21 on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 12:04:34 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Response to Paul Starr (none / 0)

You wrote: But there is a lot of evidence that people have no clue what Democrats stand for, and that people think Democrats are flip-flopping opportunists who will say anything to get elected. Do you have any links to polls that show that result?

You wrote: Every time we do one of these "blacks to the wolves!" "gays to the wolves!" "women to the wolves!" deals after an election loss, we just reinforce that notion.

Is raising the questions that Starr is raising or for that matter that I am raising really throwing people to the wolves? Shouldn't Dems be able to debate these issues among ourselves?

In his article Starr doesn't suggest throwing anyone to the wolves but he does suggest that using court decisions to advance social causes can be counterproductive.

Courts are anti-majoritian institutions. They don't base their decisions on what the majority wants, but on what the law dictates. When you have a anti-majoritian institution make a decision that a significant number of people don't agree with, there will be a backlash.

You write Kerry would have been far better off taking a principled stand against the gay marriage bans based on an equal rights justification, rather than his wobbly "I'm against gay marriage but for civil unions" stance. Do you have any polling data that shows that what you call a principled stand would have made any difference in the way the final vote came out?

I don't think that questioning tactics is not the same as questioning strategy. Is Starr really questioning the Dems' strategy or is he questioning the tactics? Can you accept such questioning of tactics or do you regard it as off-limits?

by mrgavel on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 08:02:00 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Response to Paul Starr (none / 0)

Agreed. Kerry also didn't stand hard enough for abortion rights. In the second debate he gave the crappy "I'm personally against abortion" argument. He should have strongly attacked Bush for pushing through the late term abortion ban that didn't take into consideration the life of a woman.
by sam89 on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 01:00:42 PM EST
[ Parent ]

More evidence from the national level (none / 0)

Did Gay Marriage Referenda Help Bush Get Re-elected?

By Alan Abramowitz
November 8, 2004

An analysis of the results of last week's election indicates that the presence of gay marriage referenda on the ballot had no effect on the outcome of the presidential election at the state level.

There was a very strong correlation between President Bush's share of the vote in 2000 and his share of the vote in 2004 across all 50 states and the District of Columbia. The president consistently ran a few percentage points ahead of his showing in 2000, but he did not improve on his 2000 performance any more in states with gay marriage referenda than in other states. In 11 states with gay marriage referenda on the ballot, the president increased his share of the vote from an average of 55.4 percent in 2000 to an average of 58.0 percent in 2004--an improvement of 2.6 percentage points. However, in the rest of the country the president increased his share of the vote from an average of 48.1 percent in 2000 to an average of 51.0 percent in 2004--an improvement of 2.9 percentage points.


by tgeraghty on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 04:30:58 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: More evidence from the national level (none / 0)

In 2000 Bush gets 49.97% of the electorate which represented 2,351,209 votes.

In 2000 Gore gets 46.46% of the vote which represents 2,186,190 votes. Difference is 165,019.

In 2004 Bush gets 2,859,764 votes which represents 50.81% of the vote.

In 2004 Kerry gets 2,741,165 votes which represents 48.71% of the vote.

Difference is 118,599.

If you stop the analysis there, then I can see how you reach that conclusion, but look at the increases in the Republican vote compared to the increases in the Dem vote. The Dem vote went up by around 500,000. So did the Bush vote, but would it have gone up that amount if the gay marriage amendment hadn't been on the ballot?

I don't think so. It is hard to say because we don't know what would have happened if things had been different, ie, no Issue 1. Assume, though, just for a second that I am right, the question then becomes would you have traded no gay marriage decision for Kerry winning Ohio?

by mrgavel on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 07:25:32 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: More evidence from the national level (none / 0)

You clearly have an agenda. You are wrong. The conclusions that you reach are basically conjecture similar to that which was put forth by the media after the election. It has been debunked. I find it amusing that in an election that everyone had an unusual interest in regardless of gay marriage, that you assign the one issue which you have an agenda about as the reason why people came out to vote. The fact is the numbers were up across the country. Poll after poll since July or longer had shown an unusal interest in voting. There were high registration  increases throughout the country. There was and is a war that was at stake. There was a presidency that people felt very viscerally about at stake. There was a question of morals- which if you go back to do your homework rather than just give conclusions, you will find that the morals in both the exit polling data and post polls was character. People to a larger degree, especially, Republicans felt Kerry was a flip flopper, and not a man of his word. This had little or nothing to do with the gay marriage issue. But, for you, apparently that is the only issue. You can try to reduce this election to one thing all you want. But, the history prior to the election,t he polling data, and other evidence says that you are wrong.
by bruh21 on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 12:10:49 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: More evidence from the national level (none / 0)

Why is it that if I question whether the existence of Issue One on the Ohio ballot cost Kerry the election in Ohio I have an agenda? What does that mean to have an agenda? What agenda do you think that I have? For that matter, what agenda do you have?
by mrgavel on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 02:55:27 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: More evidence from the national level (none / 0)

A) Your agenda is to make the last election about your pet peeve issue, and you continue to argue that position even when the facts are contrary to your conclusions.

B) My agenda is that I don't want the party wasting time on trying to find the magic formula of issues to cave on b/c they believe that somehow the voters will like us better. There are many reasons why this is wrong as a long term strategy. One of which is that triangulation of issues tends to lead to bad analysis of what has actually occured. I was believing the stuff that the general press was saying too until I start to get behind the numbers. Weeks later there were polls by Pew and NY TImes which confirmed that innitial analysis was wrong- the moral that people were talking about wasn't gay rights, it was character. If you want to check it out, do a google search. Even outside of gay marriage, if we get into health care issues we can see how the debate gets skewed if you start from how can I convince them how to like me.

by bruh21 on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 04:45:46 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: More evidence from the national level (none / 0)

I don't have a pet peeve issue on gay rights. I voted against Issue One in Ohio and think it is going to be bad for our state. I am however trying to find out why Kerry lost Ohio after increasing the turnout by a substantial margin over what it was in 2000.

Although we increased our turnout by around 500,000 votes so did Bush. Given the horrible economic problems in our state compared to 2000, Bush should not have carried Ohio,but he did. I believe, and will continue to believe, that the presence of Issue One on the Ohio ballot led to Bush carrying Ohio. Issue One wouldn't have been on the ballot without the Mass. Supreme Ct. decision on gay marriage.

Originally, though, my question was whether it was more important for Kerry to carry Ohio than to have the Mass. Sup.Ct. make its gay marriage decision. I will continue to believe that it was more important,although I recognize that there is no way to prove the point one way or another.

When we speak about agendas, though, it is important for Dems to keep in mind that we are a coalition party and don't all have the same issues in the same priority. Here is what I mean by that: I am a Democrat more for economic reasons and, although probably less so, for reasons relating to racial relations as opposed to issues relating to gay rights or abortion.

Does that mean that I support the Republican position on those topics? No. It does mean, though, that I rank issues such as Social Security, universal health care, job security and protection, etc higher than abortion and gay rights. Other Dems have a different priority.

Now if we are to remain a coalition party, then we can't be riding people out of the coalition when they don't agree with us tactically. We aren't big enough to have that luxury.

by mrgavel on Fri Jan 28, 2005 at 07:15:53 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: More evidence from the national level (none / 0)

Like I said, you think in terms of magic issues. There aren't any. If you changed on these issues, and tried to play them down the results would be the same because this isn't a one sided game you are playing. I read this some where, but can't remember where exactly. The problem with your assumption is that it assumes the other side won't find something else. And, let's be clear. What exactly are you going to say to people when they ask you about these issues. Pretend like they don't exist. People aren't stupid you know. ANd your analysis assumes that they are. Where do you go next with this. What about African Americans. Large parts of the south still have racial issues. see what happen in Alabama and NC for references. Your discussion leads no where unless you are willing to say that some Americans are more important than other Americans. Because there will always be a group of sufficient influence in coalition building that will be able to dictate the outcomes. What will you do if some group decides that they don't like the divorce rate. I am a lawyer. There is no legal reason except for the same legal reasons that are stated for abortion why states could not decide to set up repressive divorce laws as they used to have in the past. Both divorce and the laws for abortion are based at least constitutionally on a right to privacy. In the case of divorce,this would arise out of the rights regarding marriage. But, I am getting into a complicated area. The point is running solves nothing. You think it does because you are think "this isn't my issue." The problem is any issue you can name has the same label attacked to it. I can say the same about social security. I am certainly not basing my retirment on it even as an insurance, but I see it as critical to the stability of our society. I also don't define suffering by whether or not I am the one doing the suffering. Implicit in your comments, intended or not, is this rather crass notion that "it's not my problem."
by bruh21 on Fri Jan 28, 2005 at 06:30:15 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: More evidence from the national level (none / 0)

This is from an article on Alternet.org concerning the black vote in Ohio:

In the right place and under the right circumstance, black evangelicals posed a stealth danger to Democrats. As it turned out, the right place for Bush was Ohio, Wisconsin and Florida. These were must-win swing states, and Bush won them with a considerably higher percent of the black vote than he got in 2000. In Ohio, the gay marriage ban helped bump up the black vote for Bush by seven percentage points, to 16 percent. In Florida and Wisconsin, Republicans aggressively courted and wooed key black religious leaders. They dumped big bucks from Bush's Faith-Based Initiative program into church-run education and youth programs. Black church leaders not only endorsed Bush, but in some cases they actively worked for his re-election, and encouraged members of their congregations to do the same.

by mrgavel on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 03:35:42 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: More evidence from the national level (none / 0)

The voting numbers for blacks- of which I am member of the black in question so I am particularly sensitive to what is happening in my community, were as I understand it almost the same for Kerry as they were for Gore. Gore was higher than what Clinton received from African American voters. Blacks don't vote on gay rights issue. This is a fact that I know from living in the community. I know a lot of evangelical blacks- in the heart of the south. THey would never vote on this issue no matter what their preachers said. And, let's be clear. This was a minority of the evangelical black preachers out there. THey were of the types who said they would vote for the KKK than vote for a candidate who supports gay rights. DOes that sound like the type of crowd who represents black voters? Does Alan Keyes represent black voters? He is a conservative christian who was beat by an ultra liberal black guy in the form of Obama.
by bruh21 on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 04:39:31 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: More evidence from the national level (none / 0)

Not in Ohio they weren't. According to the CNN exit poll for Ohio Bush got 16% of the black vote in 2004 as compared to 9% in 2000. I believe black voters were over 700,000 voters. A six percent gain of black votes is a 42,000 vote pickup,which in a two way race is a swing of 84,000 votes, ie, add 42,000 to Bush and take 42,000 away from Kerry. Considering that Kerry only lost Ohio by 119,000 votes, an 84,000 vote swing is highly significant.
by mrgavel on Fri Jan 28, 2005 at 07:22:13 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: More evidence from the national level (none / 0)

In 2000, Gore got somewhere around 85 to 90 percent of the black vote. In other words, your polling data is wrong. I remember this being discussed at length over at Donkey Rising before the election because of how we all thought that the higher registration of blacks would lead to more black voters for Kerry. And, let's be clear, those folks didn't vote for Nader in 2000, and didn't vote for Banderik or the Greens this year. The shift at best was around 2 or 3 percent from all the polling data that I have seen. Also, you make some really bad analytical assumptions. You are assuming what motivated what is frankly a small number of voters. Worse yet, even if you are right, you want us to guide our policies not by what our values are, but what are a tiny fraction of voters even by your own estimates.
by bruh21 on Fri Jan 28, 2005 at 06:39:45 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Response to Paul Starr (none / 0)

But Kerry didn't support gay marriage.  

I don't understand how this was spun in your state.  Please explain. . .

Thanks

by bellarose on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 10:33:43 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Response to Paul Starr (none / 0)

You are right, he did not, but what happened was that the religious right used the gay marriage amendment to get people to the polls and it is my contention that enough of those people then voted for Bush to put him over the top.

Kerry's position, which by the way seems to have adopted by Bush himself right before the election, got lost in the translation.

by mrgavel on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 11:01:24 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Response to Paul Starr (none / 0)

Consider these statistics from the CNN Exit Poll on Ohio's voters:

14% of Ohio Voters hadn't voted before 2004.
Of that 14%, 59% voted for Issue 1.
Of the yes votes on Issue 1, 81% voted for Bush over Kerry.

Total number of votes in Ohio for President:5,627,903.
Assuming CNN Exit Poll is accurate, first time voters constituted 787,906 voters.

Of those voters, again assuming that CNN Exit Poll is accurate, 464,865 voted for Issue One.

Of those voters, Bush picked up 376,541 votes.

Now since he only won Ohio by approximately 119,000 votes, and since first time voters who voted for Issue One gave him 376,541 votes, you can follow my reasoning that had Issue One not been on the ballot, he wouldn't have won Ohio.

Can I prove that is the case? Obviously not because I don't know any polling data on whether Issue One in Ohio was the only motivating factor getting those voters to the polls, but I think it is a reasonable assumpation that had Issue One not been on the ballot, Bush doesn't carry Ohio.

by mrgavel on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 11:24:17 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Mistake in prior posting (none / 0)

Totally ignore the prior posting. I made a huge mistake. More later when I redo the numbers.
by mrgavel on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 11:51:22 AM EST
[ Parent ]

It's not the issue itself (3.00 / 1)

...but the fact that nearly all the Dems, including Kerry, tried to negotiate around the issue. They ran away from it. They gave up that issue. Instead of talking about equal rights for all, and reframing the issue, they ran for cover from the awful polls.

News flash: When the pseudo-Christian conservatives didn't see what they wanted in the polls, they set out to change people's attitudes. Rove knew this. Atwater new this. They were damn good at building their bases. I absolutely despise both of them, which tells me they certainly weren't trying to appeal to my demographic.

Blaming Kerry's defeat on the gays and cities/states that recognized their marriages is like blaming the cute girl in the miniskirt for being raped. With gay marriage, the wingnuts have built a straw man and the Dems have been fleeing like crows.

My own feeling is that until the Dems stand for something, they won't stand for anything. Who are they? What do they want? When Hillary starts talking about appealing to anti-choice voters, I wonder about them all.

Except Boxer.

media girl
Our Word
by media girl on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 11:46:50 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: It's not the issue itself (none / 0)

Blaming Kerry's defeat on the gays and cities/states that recognized their marriages is like blaming the cute girl in the miniskirt for being raped.

Or, as Martin Luther King Jr. wrote to the "go-slow" clergymen in Letter from Birmingham Jail (emphasis mine):

In your statement you assert that our actions, even though peaceful, must be condemned because they precipitate violence. But is this a logical assertion? Isn't this like condemning a robbed man because his possession of money precipitated the evil act of robbery? Isn't this like condemning Socrates because his unswerving commitment to truth and his philosophical inquiries precipitated the act by the misguided populace in which they made him drink hemlock? Isn't this like condemning Jesus because his unique God-consciousness and never-ceasing devotion to God's will precipitated the evil act of crucifixion? We must come to see that, as the federal courts have consistently affirmed, it is wrong to urge an individual to cease his efforts to gain his basic constitutional rights because the quest may precipitate violence. Society must protect the robbed and punish the robber.

by tgeraghty on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 10:17:23 PM EST
[ Parent ]

How quickly we forget (none / 0)

Paul Starr says:

As last year's disastrous crusade for gay marriage illustrated, Democrats cannot allow their constituencies to draw them into political terrain that can't be defended at election time. Dissatisfied with compromise legislation on civil unions and partner benefits, gay organizations thought they could get from judges, beginning with those on the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court, what the electorate was not yet ready to give.

Since it's been less than two weeks since we celebrated the birthday of Martin Luther King Jr. (remember him?), let's recall the Letter from Birmingham Jail. We can see that Starr's attitude is quite a bit like that of the eight Birmingham clergymen who questioned the wisdom of the Birmingham civil rights campaign, As King wrote:

One of the basic points in your statement is that the action that I and my associates have taken in Birmingham is untimely.

King's response?

My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain civil rights without determined legal and nonviolent pressure. Lamentably, it is an historical fact that privileged groups seldom give up their privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture; but, as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups tend to be more immoral than individuals.

We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was "well timed" in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This "Wait" has almost always meant 'Never." We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that "justice too long delayed is justice denied."

Over at Lawyers, Guns and Money, Scott Lemieux puts it a little bit more bluntly:

It's pretty easy for straight white males to suggest that women should give up their silly reproductive rights, gay people should be happy with their second-class citizenship, etc. I'd be more willing to listen to people willing to sell out their own interests.

by tgeraghty on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 06:28:19 AM EST

Dems are having an identity crisis. (3.00 / 1)

We don't know who we are anymore. We dither about labels (centrist, liberal, progressive), but what's our identity? what about "the vision thang"?

Lakshmi Chaudhry posted an interesting interview with Noami Klein today on Alternet:
http://www.alternet.org/waroniraq/21099/.

Here's a highlight:

<snip>

Lakshmi Chaudhry: What is your take on why the Democrats lost in 2004?

Naomi Klein: The Democrats didn't fully understand that the success of Karl Rove's party is really a success in branding. Identity branding is something that the corporate world has understood for some time now. They're not selling a product; they're selling a desired identity, an aspirational identity of the people who consume their product. Nike understands that, Apple understands that, and so do all the successful brands. Karl Rove understands that too.

So what the Republican Party has done is that it has co-branded with other powerful brands -- like country music, and NASCAR, and church going, and this larger proud-to-be-a-redneck identity. Policy is pretty low on the agenda, in terms of why people identify as Republicans. They identify with these packets of attributes.

This means a couple of things. One, it means people are not swayed by policy debates. But more importantly, when George Bush's policies are attacked, rather than being dissuaded from being Republicans, Republicans feel attacked personally -- because it's your politics. Republicanism has merged with their identity. That has happened because of the successful application of the principles of identity branding."

<snip>

We must distill the essence of what it means to be a Democrat, and rebuild our brand. We cannot expect brand loyalty if we don't have an identity, a stronger sense of who we are, what we represent, what our vision of change can do.

I think we gotta get back to the basics: re-examine the lessons of the Progressive Era and re-think what it means to be a progressive in our time.

I suggest we start with Wikipedia's definition, and go from there:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Progressivism

It's a start...

by lisaeo on Thu Jan 27, 2005 at 12:49:53 PM EST


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