More on the Incumbent Rule

Nick Panagakis emailed me today about the article I posted yesterday, The Incumbent Rule is Weakening:
Saw your piece on mydd.com. You may be surprised to hear that I was not surprised by your findings. Your 57%/39% distribution - while different from my paper in 1989 - should be compared with the 70%/25% or 65%/30% distributions found in later analyses in the 90s. And there is a question as to whether one year - 2002 - may be the source for the remaining difference.
He is right about that. In 2002, the breakdown was 40 / 5 / 45 majority to incumbent / split evenly / majority to challenger. This was largely due to four polls on the Florida Governor's race where the majority broke for Bush, five on the Missouri Senate race where the majority broke for Carnahan, and three on the South Dakota Senate race where the majority broke for Johnson. Without 2002, my data shows a 62/35 split, not that much different from the two studies from the 90s that Nick points out. But wait, there's more:
I am not a political scientist either - but an MBA. The important principle here is the "null hypotheses" from Stix 101; i.e., if there was no incumbent bias, the distribution between incumbent and challenger bias should be closer to 50%/50% or 48%/48% allowing for 4% no bias.

There are other kinds of bias - importantly party bias - that defy the null every election. In 1994 the year of the Gingrich revolution, there was Democratic bias because most polls understated GOPs in those elections. In 1998, there was GOP bias when in October the Judiciary Committee sent the articles of impeachment to the House floor which apparently motivated Democratic voters.

Even late national presidential polls hardly ever show anything close to normal distributions of party bias. The last time they did was in 1984.

My comments: 1. The 1989 paper was based polls on taken in the 70s and the 80s. As you can tell, poll result data were harder to find back them. The source document for my paper at the Polling Report site is attached. [I sent him mine as well] 2. Analysis of polls in the 90s showed less extreme distributions, closer to 70%/25% or 65%/30%. See the next four attachments. Tom Gruca at U. of Iowa wrote on the subject covering 1990-1992 and data that George Terhanian of Harris complied for another project I was working on.

3. In a 1996 Public Perspective article I refer to this distribution in state polls, a paper discussing the pattern in final national polls conducted just a few days out from election day. The national poll analysis showed "In 26 of 36 cases or 72%, more undecideds appear to vote for the challenger". See attached.

Regarding you analysis of over 220 polls that were taken in Governor, Senate and House races that involved an incumbent since 1998 taken within two weeks of Election Day.

4. I did not do 2000 elections. I did analyze the Terhanian data from 1998 above. They showed a distribution of:
Incumbent Bias 65%, Challenger Bias 31%, No bias 4%, still strong enough to reject the null.

5. In 2002 I analyzed 159 Senate and Gov races for the NCPP. The original spreadsheet is attached. See link below for my reason for doing this analysis<<br>. http://www.pollingreport.com/ncpp1.htm

In 2002, although incumbents are indicated in the spreadsheet, not evident is the distribution of 86 incumbent polls. I did an incumbent analysis in late 2002. The results were surprising, 38 were biased toward the incumbent *41* were biased for the challenger, and 7 had no bias.

At the time I figured that that after year after year of finding incumbent bias, that 2002 may have been an exception. 2002 may have been the exception in our data. That happens. Please send me your data. As for me, I was not prepared to conclude that the rule was suddenly out of date.

I will be doing the NCPP analysis after November. Let's wait to see what those data say. Again, please send me your data.

Nick

I actually agree with Nick on just about everything here. While the rule is not as strong as often reported, it is certainly not out of date. Even in my analysis, even including 2002, the distribution was enough in favor the challenger to demonstrate an incumbent bias on the part of polls. Further, his data from 2002 is almost identical to my own, and his 1998 data is close to my 1998 data (59-1-40).

My main contention in the post was that while the challenger picked up the majority of undecideds most of the time, it did not happen with enough frequency for us to reasonably assume that an incumbent leading but under 50% would lose. There is an incumbent bias, but it is more of an incumbent tendency, rather than a rule (as Thune and McBride are no doubt already aware).

More on this later. The discussion is getting really interesting.



Display:


Interesting (none / 0)

So what can we read into the polls of this Presidential campaign?
by Anonymous Citizen on Sun Aug 01, 2004 at 04:42:05 PM EST

Re: Interesting (none / 0)

I'm working on that. Stay tuned.
by Chris Bowers on Sun Aug 01, 2004 at 04:52:47 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Falasy alert (none / 0)

--From Descrates at DailyKos
All elections are not created equal.  Personally, I think you wasted five hours.  How can you generalize about the effect of incumbancy on national elections from from state wide or district wide elections?  Of course, undecideds might break for the incumbant in heavily partisan states or districts.  The only contests that truely have relevance to November 2 are past Presidental elections and possibly to a lesser degree competitive elections.  If you came up with a distribution that favors undecideds going to the challenger even when including noncompetitive contest, than I think it is easily safe to assume that undecideds will break substantionally for the challenger during a national election.
by Anonymous Citizen on Sun Aug 01, 2004 at 05:44:05 PM EST

question (none / 0)

As many analysts have pointed out this election cycle, including James Carville and Stan Greenberg, the Bush-Cheney campaign is defying CW and, rather then trying to attract moderate voters in the center, has decided to motivate their base voters and increase their turnout instead to push their candidates over the top.

Considering that Kerry and Edwards are courting center voters, and center/moderate voters are the most likely to be "undecided", do you think that the undecideds will break heavier than usual towards Kerry/Edwards this time around?

by Anonymous Citizen on Sun Aug 01, 2004 at 07:14:14 PM EST

Re: question (none / 0)

Right. The undecided voters, as polled, were considered very unlikely to vote for Bush.

However there actually were about 8% of voters who like both Bush and Kerry, but are leaning to Kerry.

That's where the GOP is targeting - the soft support. They are going very negative in order to accomplish this.

by clawed on Sun Aug 01, 2004 at 07:16:42 PM EST
[ Parent ]

The influence of "hard fighting" (none / 0)

I would be interested to know the influence of how "hard fought" the campaign seemed to be.  From my sobjective impression, when challengers fight hard, the undecideds seem to break more their way.

I'm not sure how one would go about measuring this (counting public statements from each campaign, perhaps, or quantifying the number of "talking points" from each campaign that make it into the mainstream media).

by Anonymous Citizen on Sun Aug 01, 2004 at 08:33:28 PM EST

2002 election (none / 0)

I wonder if the reason the 2002 elections seem to defy the rule has to do with the massive campaigning that Bush did right up to the last minute before voting. Most polls didn't keep polling right up to the end but Zogby did and he came close to predicting what everyone else saw as a big surprise. Perhaps Bush was able to use his popularity to swing the undecided to him at the last minute in greater numbers than usual in the many Senate and House elections. For example, one of his last stops was in Colorado where the undecided broke for Allard in a major surprise.
by herodotus on Sun Aug 01, 2004 at 09:14:04 PM EST

Re: 2002 election (none / 0)

IMO the Democrats in 2002 lied down like dogs and let the Republicans walk all over them. Most of them were trying to act like "Bush Lite" and were caving if not catering to practically every right wing demand.

It really took the Internet community to drag the Democratic party out of the dumpster with blogs like these, with Buzzflash, with moveon.org, etc.

by clawed on Mon Aug 02, 2004 at 01:15:32 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: 2002 election (none / 0)

But isn't that what Kerry is offering?  Bush-lite?  Sure, there are rhetorical flourishes, but when you look at the major issues of the day (WOT), it appears he is hugging G. Bush like he was Miss America.
by Anonymous Citizen on Mon Aug 02, 2004 at 11:22:35 AM EST
[ Parent ]


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